A crise de legitimidade na democracia representativa e o desatendimento aos direitos fundamentais: um enfoque participativo-educacional

This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.

Reserva extrativista Acaú-Goiana: tragédia comum ou decisão coletiva?

In recent years we have observed, in Brazil, the expansion of democratic spaces, providing the use of participatory management strategies in common-pool areas. However, the existence of a co-management model does not guarantee its practice, neither that it will prevent the depletion of common features characterizing the tragedy proposed by Hardin. In this work we analysed the management of Acaú-Goiana RESEX which is located in the cities of Acaú (PB) and Goiana (PE), eight years after its legal creation. We evaluated how much the users of RESEX possess information (even if non formalized) regarding the common use of area and whether they exhibit collectivist values. We used as an interpretative tool the facilitators principles of common resource management (PGRC) identified by Elinor Ostrom and the questionnaire of human values proposed by Schwartz. The human values questionnaire was applied to 240 individuals, half beneficiary and the other half non-beneficiary, only the beneficiaries were submitted to the questionnaire of PGRC. Interviews were conducted in the period of May to September 2014. We tested three hypotheses: 1) The degree of dependence from RESEX resources will play an important role on indirect knowledge of the PGRC; 2) the inclusion of individuals in a communal area (RESEX) increases collectivists values; 3) higher collectivist value rates increases knowledge of PGRC. To this end, we defined levels of socio-economic dependence of RESEX resources, knowledge of PGRC and individual values. GLM statistic analysis of mean comparison and correlation were employed. Our results showed that the knowledge on six of the seven items analyzed in the basic principles (PGRC) is still low. The extended land area and the high number of users may be exerting a detrimental effect on the development of a co-management. Contrary to expected, it was not the dependency who influenced knowledge on the PGRC, but the time spent in contact with the RESEX. This indicates that direct contact with the environment, not the dependence of it, that raises awareness about PGRC. According to our hypothesis, individuals with collectivist values showed greater knowledge of PGRC and reduced hours of work within the RESEX, indicating a greater tendency of individuals refrain their use of the common resource. Individualistic values correlated with less knowledge of a PGRC. Among the beneficiaries, individuals with higher individualistic values had higher monthly income, while among non-beneficiaries there was no such correlation, demonstrating the economic advantages of individualism (free-riding) in situations of non-private use of resources. Our data emphasize the importance of guiding the main actors in the development of a co-participatory management in the direction of the basic principles, and to develop collectivist values among users of a common good can raise awareness of these principles.

RECONHECENDO-SE SEM-RELIGIÃO NAS PERIFERIAS DA CIDADE: LIBERDADE COMPARTILHADA COMO RESISTÊNCIA

Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.

La inspección veterinaria en frontera: implicaciones y responsabilidades legales del veterinario oficial en frontera

A global world. One World. The world globalization is the defining characteristic of the world today and that has encouraged major transformations in the international order since the mid-twentieth century. It is an unstoppable force for change that manifests itself in every aspect of life but more evident in the increasing internationalization and economic integration. However, globalization as a process in which markets, laws and policies are denationalized, tend to the interrelation of populations and individuals for a common good and is eroding the traditional distinction between domestic and foreign affairs. In a globalized world there is not control over economic forces and we are under an increased pressure to manage threats of globalization itself. For all sectors involved in food and agriculture, the trend towards internationalization national market is a source of flexibility and a wider range of options. As a direct consequence of this, the diets are changing and on the shelves of urban markets in the wide world you can find a growing range of products previously unknown from many countries...

Procéduralisme épistémique et légitimité démocratique : une défense de l'égalité politique

Ce mémoire explore la relation qui lie démocratie et légitimité politique, dans une perspective épistémique. La démocratie, dans son acception la plus générale, confère à chacun la possibilité de faire valoir les intérêts qu'il estime être les siens et ceux de sa communauté, en particulier à l’occasion d’un scrutin. Cette procédure décisionnelle qu’est le vote consacre ainsi en quelque sorte la liberté et l’égalité dont profitent chacun des citoyens, et confère une certaine légitimité au processus décisionnel. Cela dit, si le vote n’est pas encadré par des considérations épistémiques, rien ne garantit que le résultat politique qui en découlera sera souhaitable tant pour les individus que pour la collectivité: il est tout à fait permis d’imaginer que des politiques discriminatoires, économiquement néfastes ou simplement inefficaces voient ainsi le jour, et prennent effet au détriment de tous. En réponse à ce problème, différentes théories démocratiques ont vu le jour et se sont succédé, afin de tenter de lier davantage le processus démocratique à l’atteinte d’objectifs politiques bénéfiques pour la collectivité. Au nombre d’entre elles, la démocratie délibérative a proposé de substituer la seule confrontation d’intérêts de la démocratie agrégative par une recherche collective du bien commun, canalisée autour de procédures délibératives appelées à légitimer sur des bases plus solides l’exercice démocratique. À sa suite, la démocratie épistémique s’est inspirée des instances délibératives en mettant davantage l’accent sur la qualité des résultats obtenus que sur les procédures elles-mêmes. Au final, un même dilemme hante chaque fois les différentes théories : est-il préférable de construire les instances décisionnelles en se concentrant prioritairement sur les critères procéduraux eux-mêmes, au risque de voir de mauvaises décisions filtrer malgré tout au travers du processus sans pouvoir rien y faire, ou devons-nous avoir d’entrée de jeu une conception plus substantielle de ce qui constitue une bonne décision, au risque cette fois de sacrifier la liberté de choix qui est supposé caractériser un régime démocratique? La thèse que nous défendrons dans ce mémoire est que le concept d’égalité politique peut servir à dénouer ce dilemme, en prenant aussi bien la forme d’un critère procédural que celle d’un objectif politique préétabli. L’égalité politique devient en ce sens une source normative forte de légitimité politique. En nous appuyant sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund, nous espérons avoir démontré au terme de ce mémoire que l’atteinte d’une égalité politique substantielle par le moyen de procédures égalitaires n’est pas une tautologie hermétique, mais plutôt un mécanisme réflexif améliorant tantôt la robustesse des procédures décisionnelles, tantôt l’atteinte d’une égalité tangible dans les rapports entre citoyens.

CONSTITUTIONAL JUSTICE IN AFRICA: An Examination of Constitutional Positivism, Fundamental Law and Rights in Ghana and Nigeria

This work explores the idea of constitutional justice in Africa with a focus on constitutional interpretation in Ghana and Nigeria. The objective is to develop a theory of constitutional interpretation based upon a conception of law that allows the existing constitutions of Ghana and Nigeria to be construed by the courts as law in a manner that best serves the collective wellbeing of the people. The project involves an examination of both legal theory and substantive constitutional law. The theoretical argument will be applied to show how a proper understanding of the ideals of the rule of law and constitutionalism in Ghana and Nigeria necessitate the conclusion that socio-economic rights in those countries are constitutionally protected and judicially enforceable. The thesis argues that this conclusion follows from a general claim that constitutions should represent a ‘fundamental law’ and must be construed as an aspirational moral ideal for the common good of the people. The argument is essentially about the inherent character of ‘legality’ or the ‘rule of law.’ It weaves together ideas developed by Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, T.R.S. Allan and David Dyzenhaus, as well as the strand of common law constitutionalism associated with Sir Edward Coke, to develop a moral sense of ‘law’ that transcends the confines of positive or explicit law while remaining inherently ‘legal’ as opposed to purely moral or political. What emerges is an unwritten fundamental law of reason located between pure morality or natural law on the one hand and strict, explicit, or positive law on the other. It is argued that this fundamental law is, or should be, the basis of constitutional interpretation, especially in transitional democracies like Ghana and Nigeria, and that it grounds constitutional protection for socio-economic rights. Equipped with this theory of law, courts in developing African countries like Ghana and Nigeria will be in a better position to contribute towards developing a real sense of constitutional justice for Africa.

Sustainability and Community Networks

Community networks are IP-based computer networks that are operated by a community as a common good. In Europe, the most well-known community networks are Guifi in Catalonia, Freifunk in Berlin, Ninux in Italy, Funkfeuer in Vienna and the Athens Wireless Metropolitan Network in Greece. This paper deals with community networks as alternative forms of Internet access and alternative infrastructures and asks: What does sustainability and unsustainability mean in the context of community networks? What advantages do such networks have over conventional forms of Internet access and infrastructure provided by large telecommunications corporations? In addition what disadvantages do they face at the same time? This article provides a framework for thinking dialectically about the un/sustainability of community networks. It provides a framework of practical questions that can be asked when assessing power structures in the context of Internet infrastructures and access. It presents an overview of environmental, economic, political and cultural contradictions that community networks may face as well as a typology of questions that can be asked in order to identify such contradictions.

Temor, silencio y deliberación: la inhibición de la opinión en Tucídides

Tucídides es una de nuestras mejores fuentes de información para conocer la práctica argumentativa de la deliberación democrática. En este trabajo se analiza uno de los vicios que, según el historiador, haría su aparición en la escena política ateniense a la muerte de Pericles: la instrumentalización del miedo para obtener la victoria momentánea en la asamblea. El temor prudente, que fuera una arma periclea para conducir la deliberación racional en aras del bien común, habría desaparecido siendo sustituido por el amedrentamiento del rival, la calumnia, el obstruccionismo y la parálisis de la confrontación dialéctica. Instauradas en la ciudad la desconfianza y la sospecha de ocultación, los golpistas del 411 hallaron el terreno abonado para callar las voces contrarias y, gracias al silencio, instaurar el terror.

From individualism to social solidarity – the philosophy of war in the works of Simone de Beauvoir

The horrors and suffering of World War II directly affected Simone de Beauvoir. Exposed to destruction and pervasive death, and haunted by the separation from her beloved, she is bound to conclude that an individual—especially an intellectual—is powerless when confronted with extreme violence. In this context, the writer becomes increasingly aware that action must be taken to defend both the common good and those whose lives are under threat. The restrained existentialist—an independent woman focused on her personal development and happiness—thus undergoes a kind of evolution, and becomes an author sincerely concerned with other people and their basic needs— especially with those suffering harm or afflicted by violence. The drama of war enables Beauvoir to adopt a broader view of the misery of human existence and to deal with subjects hitherto unbeknownst to her.

¿Cuál es el problema con el cálculo de utilidad?

Un problema de la ética del bien común, planteado por Franz Hinkelammert es el que representa el “calculo de utilidad”. En el articulo se valora positivamente el carácter consecuencialista de este planteamiento, a la vez que se señalan las virtudes de ciertas versiones del utilitarismo, así como las dificultades con expresiones como “utilidad” o “bienestar para todos”. También se propone recurrir a las ideas de Hinkelammert en el orden del reconocimiento de los limites de factibilidad, lo cual permitiría realizar una crítica original y constructiva a las corrientes utilitaristas y consecuencialistas predominantes. Abstract One problem of the common good ethics posed by Franz J. Hinkelammert is the “calculation of utility”. In this article the consequentialist character of this exposition is positively valued and at the same time it is pointed out the virtues of certain versions of utilitarism as well as, the difficulties posed by expressions as “utility” and “well-being”. It is proposed also to resort to Hinkelammert’s ideas in the orden of recognition of the feasibility limits which would allow us to make a original and constructive critic to the prevailing utilitarian and consequentialist currents.

Towards participatory political theology: democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the role of Eastern Christianity in the process

This thesis defends the position that the Eastern Orthodoxy has the potential to develop, on the basis of its core concepts and doctrines, a new political theology that is participatory, personalist and universalist. This participatory political theology, as I name it, endorses modern democracy and the values of civic engagement. It enhances the process of democracy-building and consolidation in the SEE countries through cultivating the ethos of participation and concern with the common good among and the recognition of the dignity and freedom of the person. This political-theological model is developed while analyzing critically the traditional models of church-state relations (the symphonia model corresponding to the medieval empire and the Christian nation model corresponding to the nation-state) as being instrumentalized to serve the political goals of non-democratic regimes. The participatory political-theological model is seen as corresponding to the conditions of the constitutional democratic state. The research is justified by the fact the Eastern Orthodoxy has been a dominant religiouscultural force in the European South East for centuries, thus playing a significant role in the process of creation of the medieval and modern statehood of the SEE countries. The analysis employs comparative constitutional perspectives on democratic transition and consolidation in the SEE region with the theoretical approaches of political theology and Eastern Orthodox theology. The conceptual basis for the political-theological synthesis is found in the concept and doctrines of the Eastern Orthodoxy (theosis and synergy, ecclesia and Eucharist, conciliarity and catholicity, economy and eschatology) which emphasize the participatory, personalist and communal dimensions of the Orthodox faith and practice. The paradigms of revealing the political-theological potential of these concepts are the Eucharistic ecclesiology and the concept of divine-human communion as defining the body of Orthodox theology. The thesis argues that with its ethos of openness and engagement the participatory political theology presupposes political systems that are democratic, inclusive, and participatory, respecting the rights and the dignity of the person. The political theology developed here calls for a transformation and change of democratic systems towards better realization of their personalist and participatory commitments. In the context of the SEE countries the participatory political theology addresses the challenges posed by alternative authoritarian political theologies practiced in neighboring regions.

Bacia do Atlântico : o berço da nova comunidade

Dissertação de Mestrado, Relações Internacionais, 1 de Abril de 2016, Universidade dos Açores.

EL ANÁLISIS DE COYUNTURA DESDE LA PERSPECTIVA DE UNA ECONOMÍA PARA LA VIDA

Resumen Analizar la coyuntura económica, social y ambiental desde la perspectiva de una economía para la vida exige objetividad científica y un compromiso político con el bien común. Además, no es un análisis desde “lo económico” o desde “lo social”. Se trata de un análisis desde los efectos (directos e indirectos, intencionales y no intencionales) que las tendencias hacia la irracionalidad del sistema capitalista provocan sobre el ser humano y el medio ambiente. Hablamos de estos efectos como “desequilibrios”. Desequilibrios en las relaciones humanas, el empleo, la distribución, el consumo, la personalidad, la sustentabilidad ambiental, las amenazas globales o planetarias, etc. En resumen, un análisis que se centra en los efectos de la dinámica socioeconómica en el ser humano y la naturaleza.   Abstract Monitoring the economic, social and environmental conjuncture from a Life Economics perspective requires both, scientific objectivity and a political commitment with the common good. Moreover, it is not an analysis from a particular economic or social view. It is an analysis from the effects (direct, indirect, intentional and non-intentional) that irrationality trends of capitalism cause on human being and nature. We talk about these effects as “disequilibriums”. These are disequilibriums in human relationships, employment, income distribution, consumption, personality, development, environment, and global or planetary threats, and so on. As a summary, we suggest an analysis focused on the social dynamic effects upon human being and nature.

The national community and the university

In the current environment of globalisation, competition and engagement in the global knowledge economy, universities are increasingly expected to perform against global expectations. What can sometimes seem eclipsed in the current rush to perform against these global expectations is the mission of a university to engage and support the common good within a framework of nation building. Building a sense of shared national purpose and commitment to the common good by universities requires a serious look at how contemporary globalisation and the spread and ascendency of individualistic values is diminishing our sense of shared duty and genuine community engagement.

Competing development paradigms and alternative evaluations of aid effectiveness: challenging the dominant neoliberal vision

In the period since the end of the Second World War, thinking about the ways in which development takes place and can be fostered has gone through a series of fundamental shifts, and in each of the paradigms that have been dominant at particular times the role of aid has been given a quite different emphasis. In this chapter the nature of each of these major periods in development thinking is outlined, along with an exploration of changing priorities for aid policy, and hence of the criteria that might be used to evaluate aid effectiveness. The aim, then, is to develop an understanding of the political economy of aid policy, moving well beyond restricted economic criteria to encompass political considerations as well as insights from a range of other disciplines. Particular attention is given to the current neoliberal agenda, which in spite of many attacks since the Global Financial Crisis has retained its dominant position. It is argued that this produces a development and aid agenda that enhances a starkly unequal income distribution, and that ways in which a new paradigm that places more emphasis on the common good can be created must be explored.