Distinguished successful Americans of our day; containing biographies of prominent Americans now living, noteworthy as having achieved success in their chosen avocations in the various civil, military, educational, religious, industrial, commercial and other lines of human effort--men of thought and men of action who have been effective in the establishment and maintenance of our commonwealth, prominent citizens in all walks of life who are really the founders, makers and builders of our great republic as manifested in America's great institutions of finance, commerce and trade, and its unparalleled progress in education, literature, art, science, and in the development of our nation in all lines of human endeavor.

Mode of access: Internet.

General Butler in New Orleans. History of the administration of the Department of the Gulf in the year 1862: with an account of the capture of New Orleans, and a sketch of the previous career of the General, civil and military.

Mode of access: Internet.

Under fire. With the Tenth U.S. cavalry. Being a brief, comprehensive review of the negro's participation in the wars of the United States. Especially showing the valor and heroism of the negro soldiers of the Ninth and Tenth cavalries, and the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth infantries of the regular army; as demonstrated in the decisive campaign around Santiago de Cuba, 1898 ... Thrilling episodes interestingly narrated by officers and men. Famous Indian campaigns and their results. A purely military history of the negro.

Mode of access: Internet.

Medford in the Revolution : military history of Medford, Massachusetts, 1765-1783 : also list of soldiers and civil officers, with genealogical and biographical notes /

Mode of access: Internet.

The Cuban military in Angola: The limits of internationalism

The Cuban military involvement in Angola has often been seen as a response to the wishes of the former Soviet Union. Yet, Castro intervened in Angola following his theory of internationalism. Internationalism, as conceived by Castro, sent Cubans on a voluntary basis to serve abroad, either in the military or in the civilian sector. This thesis will illustrate that from its inception, Castro sent military troops to Angola to divert domestic concerns and to boost Cuba's alliances throughout the world. Angola is different from other internationalist missions, because in Angola--for the first time--regular combat troops were used. Castro intervened in Angola to prevent a collapse of the Moviemento Popular de Libertacao de Angola (MPLA) government, and stayed on to ensure the viability of the MPLA. The primary sources are interviews conducted by the author, of participants in the Angolan civil war. The secondary sources consulted are works on Cuba, Southern Africa, Portuguese colonialism and Angola. ^

The Use of the Military for Law Enforcement Activities in Central America

Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.

The Transitioning Economic Dynamics of the Military in Communist Regimes: A Comparison of Cuba, China and Vietnam [Student's Paper Series]

Several factors can increase or decrease military-economic involvement in communist regimes. This anomalous form of military behavior, labeled as the Military Business Complex (MBC), emerged in various communist regimes in the 1980s. However, in early 2000s, the communist governments of China and Vietnam began to decrease the number of military-managed industries, while similar industries increased in Cuba. This paper explains why military industries in Cuba have increased over the last two decades, while they decreased in the Chinese and Vietnamese examples. This question is answered by comparatively testing two hypotheses: the Communist Party and the Bureaucratic-Authoritarian (BA) Hypotheses. The Communist Party hypotheses helps explain how the historical and current structures of Party oversight of the military have been lacking in strength and reliability in Cuba, while they traditionally have been more robust in China and Vietnam. The BA hypotheses helps explain how, due to the lack of a strong civilian institutional oversight, the Cuban military has grown into a bureaucratic entity with many political officers holding autonomous positions of power, an outcome that is not prevalent in the Chinese and Vietnamese examples. Thus, with the establishment of a bureaucratic military government and with the absence of a strong party oversight, the Cuban military has been able to protect its economic endeavors while the Chinese and Vietnamese MBC regimes have contracted.

Innovating from the War Economy: Formal, Informal, and Illicit Economic Activities of the Military in Colombia

Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

The Evolution and Reform of Summary Trials in Canadian Military Justice

There is a place where a Canadian citizen can be sent to 30 days detention, by someone who is not a judge, without being represented by counsel, and without having a meaningful right to appeal. It is the summary trial system of the Canadian Armed Forces. This thesis analyses that system and suggests reforms. It is aimed at those who have an interest in improving the administration of military justice at the unit level but want to sufficiently understand the issues before doing so. Through a classic legal approach with elements of legal history and comparative law, this study begins by setting military justice in the Canadian legal firmament. The introductory chapter also explains fundamental concepts, first and foremost the broader notion of discipline, for which summary trial is one of the last maintaining tools. Chapter II describes the current system. An overview of its historical background is first given. Then, each procedural step is demystified, from investigation until review. Chapter III identifies potential breaches of the Charter, highlighting those that put the system at greater constitutional risk: the lack of judicial independence, the absence of hearing transcript, the lack of legal representation and the disparity of treatment between ranks. Alternatives adopted in the Canadian Armed Forces and in foreign jurisdictions, from both common law and civil law traditions, in addressing similar challenges are reviewed in Chapter IV. Chapter V analyses whether the breaches could nevertheless be justified in a free and democratic society. Its conclusion is that, considering the availability of reasonable alternatives, it would be hard to convince a court that the current system is a legitimate impairment of the individual’s legal rights. The conclusion Chapter presents options to address current challenges. First, the approach of ‘depenalization’ taken by the Government in recent Bill C-71 is analysed and criticised. The ‘judicialization’ approach is advocated through a series of 16 recommendations designed not only to strengthen the constitutionality of the system but also to improve the administration of military justice in furtherance of service members’ legal rights.

The military in the Chamber of Deputies 1851-1870 – corporative lines of action in defense of the army

Based on our reading of the minutes of the parliamentary sessions, we shall attempt in this study to analyze the performance of army officers in the Chamber of Deputies, which, from 1851 to 1870, represented one of the most important settings for the military’s participation in politics

Plat of that tract of country in the territory northwest of the Ohio appropriated for military services and described in the Act of Congress untitled "An act regulating the grants of land appropriated for military services and for the Society of United Brethren for propagating the gospel among the heathen" /

"Part of the seven ranges survey'd agreeable to the ordinance of congress of May 20th, 1785."

Interethnic Differences in the Distribution of Matrix Metalloproteinases Genetic Polymorphisms Are Consistent with Interethnic Differences in Disease Prevalence

Interethnic differences exist in disease prevalence, especially with regard to cancer and cardiovascular diseases, which involve altered expression or activity of matrix metalloproteinases (MMPs). The hypothesis being tested in this study is that interethnic differences exist between blacks and whites with regard to the distribution of genetic variants of MMP polymorphisms and haplotypes. We examined the distribution of polymorphisms of MMP-2 and MMP-9 genes in 177 black and 140 white subjects. We studied the following polymorphisms: the C(-1306)T in the promoter of the MMP-2 gene, the C(-1562)T and a microsatellite -90(CA)(14-24) in the promoter, and the Q279R in exon 6 of the MMP-9 gene. We have also compared our results with those from Hapmap or Seattle SNPs Projects and estimated the haplotype frequency in these two ethnic groups. The ""C'' allele for the C(-1306)T polymorphism was more common in blacks (91.5%) than in whites (80.4%; p<0.0001). The ""T'' allele for the C(-1562)T polymorphism was more common in blacks (15.0%) than in whites (8.9%; p=0.0279), as well as the alleles with >21 repeats for the -90(CA)(14-24) were more common in blacks than in whites (61.9% in blacks and 49.3% in whites; p=0.0017). We found no interethnic differences for the Q279R polymorphism. Moreover, two haplotypes that combine ""detrimental'' alleles were found at higher frequencies in blacks than in whites (31% vs. 16.4%, respectively; p<0.05). The interethnic differences being reported here replicate those previously found with smaller number of subjects in the Hapmap or Seattle SNPs data and may help explain the higher prevalence of cancer and cardiovascular diseases in blacks compared with whites. Our findings suggest a proportional significance of these polymorphisms in each ethnic group.