831 resultados para Violence in marital


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This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

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Exploratory and descriptive study based on quantitative and qualitative methods that analyze the phenomenon of violence against adolescents based on gender and generational categories. The data source was reports of violence from the Curitiba Protection Network from 2010 to 2012 and semi-structured interviews with 16 sheltered adolescents. Quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS software version 20.0 and the qualitative data were subjected to content analysis. The adolescents were victims of violence in the household and outside of the family environment, as victims or viewers of violence. The violence was experienced at home, mostly toward girls, with marked overtones of gender violence. More than indicating the magnitude of the issue, this study can give information to help qualify the assistance given to victimized people and address how to face this issue.

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The study analyzed The Brazilian Policy for Reduction of Morbidity and Mortality from Accidents and Violence, in the socio-political perspective. We used as a base the chapter “Violence: a global public health problem” from the World Report on Violence and Health. The analysis revealed convergent and divergent elements of the Brazilian Policy in comparison with the international perspectives. We verified that the Brazilian Policy tried to converge to the international policies, however: it emphasizes the health promotion actions, but are limited to the context and behavior of individuals and individual communities; the performance of health professionals is expected without providing more structural investments, as the improvement in work conditions, the increase of financial and material resources; there are few clear definitions of the government and economical sector responsibilities.

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post-independence, and on the other hand, the testimonies from Sao Tomeans individuals from different social conditions and different degrees of political responsibility, this article approaches some possible connections between poverty and micro-violence in Sao Tome and Principe. It is offered an outline of research for the difficulties of the eradication of poverty and, concomitantly, the diffusion of a growing feeling of social disruption, processes in all contrary to the promises of independence for this archipelago. Frequently, the archipelago’s visitors make hasty opinions about the imaginary effortlessness of governing two islands with less than one hundred and fifty thousand citizens. However, contrary to this very common prejudice, the micro-insularity is considered an obstacle to development, a notion shared by many Sao Tomeans. Could micro-insularity equally be, under this outlook, an impoverishment-inducing factor? Regarding the development, there is some truth in this diagnosis, which the Sao Tomeans also use to justify their current difficulties. Throughout the 70s and 80s, the MLSTP – Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (Movement for the Liberation of Sao Tome and Principe) endorsed a development founded on an expansion of cacao cultures, at the expenses of an intensified production rate, and on an incipient industrialization, which was intended to avoid importations and economic dependency. At the time, the Sao Tomeans leaders justified the rising daily difficulties, quite the opposite of the promises made during the independence, with an economic disarticulation resulting from the gradual abandonment of economic infrastructures inflicted by the last batch of colonists, which affected the cacao plantations too. Simultaneously, both the inefficiency and cost of the industrial endeavors launched after the independence and the erosion of labor and social relationships in nationalized farms had been rather neglected.

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Abstract OBJECTIVE Analyzing the elements that compose the environment of pregnant women who have experienced intimate partner violence in the light of Levine's Nursing Theory. METHOD A qualitative, descriptive study conducted from September to January 2012, with nine pregnant women in a Municipal Health Center in Rio de Janeiro. The interviews were semi-structured and individual. The theoretical framework was based on Levine's Nursing Theory. RESULTS Thematic analysis evidenced the elements that composed the external environment, such as violence perpetrated by intimate partners before and during pregnancy, violence in childhood and adolescence, alcohol consumption and drug use by the partner, unemployment, low education and economic dependency, which affected health and posed risks to the pregnancy. CONCLUSION Violence perpetrated by an intimate partner was the main external factor that influenced the internal environment with repercussions on health. This theory represents a tool in nursing care which will aid in detecting cases and the fight against violence.

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Purpose Data indicate that 19% of male adolescents living in Switzerland carried a weapon in the last 12 months. The main objective of this research is to compare the characteristics of male adolescents carrying a weapon and having used it in a fight from those who have carried but not used it in the previous 12 months. Methods Data were drawn from the 2002 Swiss Multicenter Adolescent Survey on Health (SMASH02) data base, a survey including 7,548[3,710 males] in-school adolescents aged 16-20 years in Switzerland. Only males declaring having carried a weapon (N = 711; 19.2% of the sample) were included in the analysis. Three groups were created: those not having used a weapon (WO; N = 538 subjects), those having used a weapon in a fight once or twice (W12; N = 127), and those having used a weapon in a fight 3 or more times (W3+; N = 46). Multinomial logistic regression was performed to compare the 3 groups on individual, family, school, and social factors using WO as the reference category. Analyses were performed with STATA9. Results are presented as relative risk ratios (RRR). Results W12 males were significantly more likely to perceive their puberty as advanced compared to their peers (RRR: 2.1), to be foreign born (RRR: 2.6), to live in an urban environment (RRR: 1.9), to be in vocational school (RRR: 4.7), to have a poor school connectedness (RRR: 1.8), to skip classes (RRR: 2.1) and to quarrel while intoxicated (RRR: 5.3). W3+ males were significantly more likely to be foreign born (RRR: 3.6) and to live in an urban environment (RRR: 2.4), to be current users of illegal drugs other than cannabis (RRR: 3.8) and to quarrel while intoxicated (RRR: 4.1). No differences were found between groups for tobacco, alcohol, or cannabis use. Conclusions Within a national sample of Swiss youth aged 16-20 years, almost one fifth of male adolescents have carried a weapon in the previous 12 months. Nevertheless, most of them (75.7%) have never used a weapon in a fight. Whether they carry a weapon for defense purposes or as a manly behavior remains to be elucidated. However, urban foreign-born adolescents who quarrel while intoxicated are the most at risk of using a weapon in a fight, and therefore culturally-sensitive prevention approaches need to be developed to decrease violence in this specific population of youth. Having school problems or using illegal drugs other than cannabis seem to differentiate between those who use it in a fight occasionally (once or twice) and those who do it more often.

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This paper reviews experimental methods for the study of the responses of people to violence in digital media, and in particular considers the issues of internal validity and ecological validity or generalisability of results to events in the real world. Experimental methods typically involve a significant level of abstraction from reality, with participants required to carry out tasks that are far removed from violence in real life, and hence their ecological validity is questionable. On the other hand studies based on fi eld data, while having ecological validity, cannot control multiple confounding variables that may have an impact on observed results, so that their internal validity is questionable. It is argued that immersive virtual reality may provide a unifi cation of these two approaches. Since people tend to respond realistically to situations and events that occur in virtual reality, and since virtual reality simulations can be completely controlled for experimental purposes, studies of responses to violence within virtual reality are likely to have both ecological and internal validity. This depends on a property that we call"plausibility"- including the fi delity of the depicted situation with prior knowledge and expectations. We illustrate this with data from a previously published experiment, a virtual reprise of Stanley Milgram"s 1960s obedience experiment, and also with pilot data from a new study being developed that looks at bystander responses to violent incidents.

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Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.

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Aggressive behaviours within the sport of hockey appear to be increasing in both prevalence and consequence (Biasca, Wirth, & Tegner, 2002). Accordingly, this area of inquiry is currently garnering a considerable amount of attention from society and academics alike. The problem however, is that our current understanding of these behaviours has been deemed both incomplete and unreliable. The inconsistencies inherent within this body of knowledge have been traced back to a variety of methodological shortcomings. The purpose of this investigation was to assess hostile aggression using a more ecologically valid and comprehensive research design. Ten Junior B hockey games were tapped and subsequently coded by three independent observers, using a validated operational list. Two hundred and fifty-nine behaviours were extrapolated and examined according to the score differential, period, position of the aggressor, status of the aggressor's team, and whether the aggressor was a member of the home or visiting team. It was concluded that the frequency of aggressive behaviours significantly differed according to the score differential, and status of the aggressor's team (p < .01). However, these hostile acts did not differ according the aggressor's position, period, and the home versus away status of the aggressor's team (p > .01). It was also determined that the majority of aggressive acts (69.1 1%) across these ten games went unsanctioned. This highlights the profound influence that "positive misses" have on penalty measures of aggression, while concurrently highlighting the ecological validity present with observational designs. Consequently, by assessing aggressive behaviour in a more inclusive and ecologically valid manner, a more accurate picture of the frequency and distribution of hostile aggression may be provided.

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This study examines coverage of lane-Finch in popular Canadian newspapers in 2007. It explores the often-negative representations of the community through conceptual frameworks based on the work of Michel Foucault, Roland Barthes and Edward Said. The question it attempts to answer is: What knowledge and power relationships are embedded within depictions of lane-Finch in popular Canadian newspapers in 2007? The methodology is a version of critical discourse analysis based on Foucault's The Archaeology of Knowledge. It finds that predominantly-negative connotations of the neighbourhood are reinforced through the perpetuation of dominant discourses, the use of "expert" knowledge sources, and the discounting of subjugated knowledges or livedexperiences of residents. The study concludes by suggesting where further research within the realm of popular culture and community identity can be directed.

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EI Salvador presents an unfortunate history that includes a military regime and a civil war that together created a legacy of violence in which the country still struggle nowadays. Salud Escolar Integral (SEI) was created in 2005 as a program to combat youth violence throughout the re-formulation of physical education (PE) classes in public schools, promoting life skills learning that supports the resolution of conflicts with nonviolent ways. In 2007, SEI supported the creation of a physical e~ucation teacher education (PETE) degree at the Universidad Pedag6gica de EI Salvador (UPES), having the goal to assist pre-service teachers with a better understanding of humanistic principles. The present research analyzed if after attending all three years ofUPES PETE program, students presented high self-perception levels of competence and confidence related to attitude, skills and knowledge to teach PE within humanistic principles. Taking Personal and Social Responsibility (TPSR) was the theoretical framework used to analyze the development of humanistic principles. The study had a mixed-method longitudinal design that included questionnaires, reflection templates and interviews. In conclusion, although it is suggested that UPES should provide better support for the development of the teaching principles of empowering students and transfer learning, most of the humanistic principles were highly promoted by the program. At last, it is suggested that future research should track teachers' progress while teaching in schools, in order to analyze if the theory of promoting humanistic principles have also become a daily practice.

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Depuis la désinstitutionalisation dans les milieux psychiatriques, il a été souvent mentionné qu’une augmentation des admissions dans les milieux carcéraux et de psychiatrie légale était en cours afin de prendre soin des personnes atteintes de troubles mentaux graves (TMG). Parallèlement, plusieurs auteurs ont rapporté que les individus ayant des troubles mentaux sévères sont plus à risque de perpétrer des gestes antisociaux ou de violence. À l’égard de cette problématique, nous soutenons le modèle de la spécificité clinique. Celui-ci précise que des profils psychopathologiques particuliers augmentent le risque de violence, conduisent à différents types de fonctionnement social et articulent la demande de soins. L’environnement a, de plus, un effet modulateur au niveau du fonctionnement distinctif de l’individu. Une relation bidirectionnelle se construit entre la spécificité psychopathologique et l’environnement, plus particulièrement en ce qui a trait aux relations interpersonnelles, au milieu socioéconomique, au patron d’utilisation des services de psychiatrie et à l’interaction avec le système de justice qui déterminent subséquemment le type de prise en charge ou le statut légal du patient. Afin d’appuyer ce modèle, les profils des patients atteints de TMG en fonction des statuts légaux, du milieu de soins (psychiatrie générale et psychiatrie légale) et de l’utilisation des mesures d’isolement et de contentions ont été examinés. Les patients ont été évalués par des mesures sociodémographiques (indicateurs du fonctionnement social, des relations interpersonnelles et du milieu socioéconomique), psychodiagnostiques (SCID-I et II) et de la psychopathie. De même, le dossier criminel, les dossiers médicaux hospitaliers et administratifs (MED-ECHO et RAMQ) ont été observés. Les devis étaient rétrospectifs. Par ailleurs, au niveau de l’interaction entre les services de psychiatrie et l’individu atteint d’un TMG, nous avons exploré la perception subjective des intervenants en santé mentale quant à l’agressivité et la violence. Nous avons considéré l’impact de cette perception sur la manière d’offrir des soins, plus particulièrement en ce qui a trait aux mesures coercitives (mesures d’isolement avec ou sans contentions), lors des hospitalisations. Les cinq études ont appuyé l’idée d’une spécificité clinique tant sur le plan des profils cliniques des individus que sur la manière d’offrir les services, spécialement au niveau des mesures de contrôles. Les caractéristiques de la personne et de l’environnement semblent de ce fait jouer un rôle important dans le type de services que recevra un individu souffrant de TMG. Ces travaux ouvrent sur la possibilité de mieux déterminer l’étiologie et la gestion de la violence de même que la manière dont le système s’occupe des patients à risque de violence.

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Cette dissertation traite des (re)configurations postcoloniales de la résistance et de la négociation comme concepts permettant d’aborder les représentations des conflits nationaux dans les littératures Africaines contemporaines. Ensemble, ces concepts ouvrent de nouvelles voix et possibilités de se remémorer, de raconter, et de lire la violence en problématisant non seulement les discours sur la guerre civile en Afrique, mais aussi les conceptions d’histoire nationale, de la mémoire, et de leur représentation. Si cette étude cherche à reconfigurer la négociation et la résistance au-delà des définitions qui tendent à les opposer, elle se consacre surtout à développer la notion de négociation comme stratégie de dépassement, de lecture, et d’écriture, qui, néanmoins, ne vise pas de résolution. La négociation implique ainsi une conception pluraliste d’un pouvoir d’action sociale, politique, et culturelle. Cette dissertation avance que la négociation est un concept d’écriture et de lecture qui intervient dans les événements, discours, et pratiques de remémoration en prenant compte de leurs multiplicités et définitions instables. Cette étude explore les manières selon lesquelles Nuruddin Farah, Chenjerai Hove, Yvonne Vera, Chimamanda Adichie, et Sefi Atta déploient la négociation et la résistance comme outils d’engagement esthétique et sociopolitique dans la narration de la violence en Somalie, au Zimbabwe, et au Nigeria. En outre, la négociation marque mon analyse de l’intervention des textes dans les discours d’historiographie et de représentation. Si ces romans mettent en exergue la généalogie complexe du conflit postcolonial, ils négocient aussi les implications multiples, incluant la leur, dans les questions problématiques de la responsabilité et de la représentation. La vii négociation représente un acte conscient à travers lequel nous reconnaissons l’instabilité de toute bataille politique, morale, ou éthique sans pour autant céder à un cynisme paralysant. De par son approche négociée et interdisciplinaire, cette dissertation ne fait pas qu’entrer en débat avec des discours multiples des études postcoloniales, Africaines, et littéraires. Elle intervient aussi dans les conceptions de la nation, la violence, la mémoire, la responsabilité, et la justice selon les études philosophiques, politiques, et culturelles. Outre les critiques littéraires, les chapitres interrogent les théories de penseurs tels Ngugi wa Thiong’o, David Jefferess, Pheng Cheah, et Wole Soyinka. Cette approche éclectique reflète l’attention des romans à la complexité irréductible des responsabilités individuelles et collectives dans les récits d’histoire et d’appartenance nationales. Cet engagement négocié avec les questions entourant la postcolonialité, malgré la dominance actuelle des discours de la globalisation, permet de reconceptualiser l’approche postcoloniale pour contrer les analyses déhistorisées et décontextualisées des conflits sociopolitiques en Afrique. Le chapitre 1 élabore les concepts clés de la dissertation. Le chapitre 2 explore la résistance et la négociation dans le langage figuré métonymique dans les représentations de la guerre en Somalie. Le chapitre 3 se consacre à l’analyse de la figure de la spectralité dans la narration de l’histoire et de la violence nationales au Zimbabwe. Finalement, le chapitre 4 négocie les concepts de représentation et de responsabilité dans les récits du trauma postcolonial au Nigeria. viii Mots-clés : négociation, résistance, littératures africaines, violence, responsabilité, nation, représentation

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La présente étude s’imbrique dans une recherche plus large, réalisée par Damant, Oxman-Martinez, Lapierre, Tutty, Ursel, Jampton et Thiara (CRSH, 2009) ayant comme titre « Mothering in the context of domestic violence in Canada and the United Kingdom: A focus on Aboriginal, Black and Minority Ethnic women ». Dans le cadre de la présente recherche, nous effectuerons une analyse secondaire de certaines entrevues effectuées dans le cadre de la recherche de Damant et al., nous penchant plus spécifiquement sur la violence post-séparation, vécue par ces femmes. Nous baserons l’analyse des données sur sept de leurs entrevues semi-structurées. La sélection de ces sept entrevues a été effectuée par la chercheure principale. Bien qu’aucune question n’explorait le thème de la violence conjugale post-séparation, certaines femmes ont quand même abordé celui-ci. Nous en ferons état dans la présente recherche.