999 resultados para United States. Congress. Office of Technology Assessment
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Includes index.
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Advertising matter: p. [162]-165
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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chávez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chávez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chávez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910-1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
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Office of Charles C. Chapman, Los Angeles, California.
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Published at the request of the hearers.
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Published at the request of the hearers. Printed by C. Stebbins
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Indenture between Alfred Sanderson Woodruff and the United States Trust Company of New York. The proceeds would be paid to his estate for his successors. January 12, 1894.
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Indenture between Hamilton Killaly Woodruff and the United States Trust Company of New York. The proceeds would be paid to his successors. (This is a handwritten copy)
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Indenture between Hamilton Killaly Woodruff and the United States Trust Company of New York. This is listed as the 3rd trust deed. The proceeds would be paid to successors (2 copies). Most of the first page of copy no. 2 is torn away which does affect the text. These 2 documents are in an envelope marked "vouchers", June 20, 1899.
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Letter to W.D. Woodruff from Henry E. Ahern of United States Trust Company of New York (1 page, printed) which was sent with a cheque for $2,106 in trust for his account. This is accompanied by an envelope addressed to the trust company, a balance sheet and a receipt, July 14, 1908.
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Letter to W.D. Woodruff from Henry E. Ahern of United States Trust Company of New York (1 page, printed) which was sent with a cheque for $560.63 in trust for his account. This is accompanied by an envelope addressed to Mr. Woodruff, a balance sheet and a receipt, Oct.10, 1908.
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Letter to Mrs. Maria DeV. Haynes from Henry Ahern of the United States Trust Company of New York (1 page, printed) stating that the funding of bonds has been paid, Jan. 4, 1909.
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Letter to Mr. W. D. Woodruff from Henry Ahern of the United States Trust Company of New York (1 page, printed) stating that the funding of bonds has been paid. This is accompanied by an envelope addressed to Mr. Woodruff, a balance sheet and a receipt, Jan. 4, 1909.
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Letter to Mr. W. D. Woodruff from Henry Ahern of the United States Trust Company of New York (1 page, printed) which was sent with a cheque for $2,925. This is accompanied by an envelope addressed to the trust company, a balance sheet and a receipt, Jan. 11, 1909.