974 resultados para The United Kingdom


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BACKGROUND: Epidemiological data for south Asian children in the United Kingdom are contradictory, showing a lower prevalence of wheeze, but a higher rate of medical consultations and admissions for asthma compared with white children. These studies have not distinguished different asthma phenotypes or controlled for varying environmental exposures. OBJECTIVE: To compare the prevalence of wheeze and related health-service use in south Asian and white pre-schoolchildren in the United Kingdom, taking into account wheeze phenotype (viral and multiple wheeze) and environmental exposures. METHODS: A postal questionnaire was completed by parents of a population-based sample of 4366 white and 1714 south Asian children aged 1-4 years in Leicestershire, UK. Children were classified as having viral wheeze or multiple trigger wheeze. RESULTS: The prevalence of current wheeze was 35.6% in white and 25.5% in south Asian 1-year-olds (P<0.001), and 21.9% and 20.9%, respectively, in children aged 2-4 years. Odds ratios (ORs) (95% confidence interval) for multiple wheeze and for viral wheeze, comparing south Asian with white children, were 2.21 (1.19-4.09) and 1.43 (0.77-2.65) in 2-4-year-olds after controlling for socio-economic conditions, environmental exposures and family history. In 1-year-olds, the respective ORs for multiple and viral wheeze were 0.66 (0.47-0.92) and 0.81 (0.64-1.03). Reported GP consultation rates for wheeze and hospital admissions were greater in south Asian children aged 2-4 years, even after adjustment for severity, but the use of inhaled corticosteroids was lower. CONCLUSIONS: South Asian 2-4-year-olds are more likely than white children to have multiple wheeze (a condition with many features of chronic atopic asthma), after taking into account ethnic differences in exposure to some environmental agents. Undertreatment with inhaled corticosteroids might partly explain their greater use of health services.

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Modern policy-making is increasingly influenced by different types of uncertainty. Political actors are supposed to behave differently under the context of uncertainty then in “usual” decision-making processes. Actors exchange information in order to convince other actors and decision-makers, to coordinate their lobbying activities and form coalitions, and to get information and learn on the substantive issue. The literature suggests that preference similarity, social trust, perceived power and functional interdependence are particularly important drivers of information exchange. We assume that social trust as well as being connected to scientific actors is more important under uncertainty than in a setting with less uncertainty. To investigate information exchange under uncertainty analyze the case of unconventional shale gas development in the UK from 2008 till 2014. Our study will rely on statistical analyses of survey data on a diverse set of actors dealing with shale gas development and regulation in the UK.

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Recent research on the transformation of West European party systems emphasises that cultural issues such as immigration have gained in importance besides the traditional socio-economic cleavage. While this literature shows that parties address not only cultural but also economic is-sues, it has paid less attention on whether parties combine cultural and economic issues. In this paper we focus on immigrants’ social rights by analysing if and how mainstream parties combine immigration and redistributive issues. Drawing on Faist (1995), we distinguish three different perspectives how political actors, here mainstream parties, might react to the welfare chauvinist claims that aim to restrict immigrants’ social rights. Our analysis relies on party manifestos in Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom between 1999 and 2011. The results of the anal-ysis indicate that variation is found among party families, in particular among the left. Even though the purpose of the paper is not to ‘prove’ that the populist challenge explains how the mainstream left-wing parties behave, the results allow nonetheless for interpreting mainstream parties’ strategic combination of welfare and immigration issues as a response to anti-immigration and anti-integration issues raised by populist challengers.

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What some view as overly-generous funding of the Scottish parliament results from Scotland.s credible threat to secede from the United Kingdom. Scotland is shown to benefit from a second mover advantage in a non-cooperative sequential game over the allocation of public funds. Various reform proposals are criticized for not recognizing that reform of Scottish government finances must be consistent with Scotland.s credible threat. Fiscal autonomy -- in which the Scottish parliament finances a much greater proportion of its spending from Scottish-sourced taxes, is demonstrated to be a viable reform within the existing political context and, in some circumstances, could remove Scotland.s second mover advantage. We also use a cooperative bargaining game model to demonstrate that an Australian style grants commission would not be a viable reform in the British context.

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This evaluation of the first year of an Intensive Family Preservation Service in England is based on the analysis of eighty-six families: fifty-seven families who received the service and a comparison group of twenty-nine families who did not. The study considered whether the program was fulfilling its objectives of reducing the number of children and young people in the public care system; offering a safe, supportive service for children who need protection; integrating the program into family support services as a whole, and improving family functioning. The findings were complex to interpret. Child protection was improved but there was not a reduction in the number of children needing out of home care (indeed there was an increase) meaning that short term savings in costs could not be made. Nor were there lasting improvements in the children’s behavior. There were instead a number of more subtle, arguably more sensitive outcomes: parents’ capacity to tolerate their child’s behavior was greater and overall family functioning was better for most families who received the service. Also families were, on the whole, able to make better use of follow up services.

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Economic growth has traditionally been linked to road freight transport demand, leading to a steady rise in social and environmental impacts. Concern about this problem has caused the EU to promote a decoupling strategy aimed at boosting sustainable development in European countries by improving the efficiency of transport systems without curbing economic growth. Over the last few years empirical evidence in some countries such as the United Kingdom has shown an increase in GDP while the volume of road freight traffic has remained stable or even decreased. This paper compares recent decoupling trends by analyzing the evolution of road tonne-kms/GDP relationship in the United Kingdom and Spain from 1999 to 2007. This comparison seeks to identify the main differences and key drivers of decoupling in both countries. We first provide an overview of the divergences between both economic structures and levels of road transport intensity. Then we conduct a decomposition analysis in order to identify the variables that explain the evolution of truck traffic per unit of GDP in each country. The results show that the increasing share of services in GDP has substantially contributed to decreasing road transport demand in both cases. Changes in road transport intensity due to improvements in logistic and supply chain management have been more successful in the UK than in Spain.

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Funded by Energy Technologies Institute EPSRC-Supergen. Grant Number: EP/M013200/1