946 resultados para Relations between the sexes


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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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National identity is symbolically complex configuration, with shifts of emphasis and reprioritisations of content negotiated in contexts of power. This paper shows how they occur in one post-conflict situation - Northern Ireland - among some of the most extreme of national actors - evangelical Protestants. In-depth interviews reveal quite radical shifts in the content of their British identity and in their understanding of and relation to the Irish state, with implications for their future politics. The implications for understanding ethno-religious nationalism, nationality shifts and the future of Northern Ireland are drawn out.

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In this thesis I assess the individual and joint predictive associations and effects between multiple motivation and well-being concepts. In particular, three pairs of motivation concepts (intrinsic/extrinsic, approach/avoidance, and eudaimonic/hedonic) are assessed simultaneously at two levels of analysis (disposition and goal) and examined in relation to two types of well-being (eudaimonic and hedonic) in two studies, one correlational and the other experimental. Study 1: Using a correlational design, participants (N = 325, M age = 19.10, 87% female) completed self-report measures assessing six motivation and two well-being concepts. Exploratory factor analyses were used to assess patterns of associations among the motivational constructs. Results indicated that constructs displaying conceptual and empirical similarities co-occur, particularly, intrinsic, approach and eudaimonic motivation. Regression models were used to assess predictive relations between the motivational constructs and well-being. Both types of well-being were predicted by approach and avoidance dispositions, and hedonic goals. Additionally, eudaimonic well-being was uniquely predicted by eudaimonic dispositions and goals, and intrinsic dispositions; and hedonic well-being was uniquely predicted by extrinsic dispositions and approach goals. The patterns of associations among motivational constructs, and similarities and differences in the ways they predict each type of well-being, are discussed. Study 2: Using an experimental design, participants (N = 447, M age = 19.30, 88% female) were randomly assigned to one of eight experimental conditions, each involving a manipulation aimed at priming combinations of the three pairs of motivational constructs at the goal level. Participants then completed measures of both types of well-being. ANOVAs were used to assess the main effects and interactions of experimental condition for each of the three pairs of motivational constructs on well-being. Main effects of experimental conditions were non-significant. However, results indicated that focus on each of the three pairs of motivational constructs predicted well-being and that the manipulation impacted well-being indirectly, through experimentally-shifted motivational focus. Few interactions emerged. Implications for future experimental research and the conceptual integration of motivation and well-being constructs are discussed. In conclusion, Studies 1 and 2 inform the motivation and well-being fields in novel ways and provide preliminary steps towards studying these fields from an integrated and comprehensive motivational framework.

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Relations between the European Union and Argentina are under severe strain. For years, the Argentinean government has been involved in a diplomatic dispute with the United Kingdom over the status of the Falkland Islands (Las Islas Malvinas to the Argentines). It recently decided to take advantage of Spain’s current economic weakness to attack a major Spanish investment in the country. On April 16th, the Argentinean government expropriated 51% of Repsol’s shares in YPF, a former state-owned oil company, which had been privatised in the early 1990s. This action provoked a public outcry in Madrid and beyond, especially in the European Commission. In this Commentary, we explore its longer-term impact on relations between the EU and Argentina.

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Previous studies (Sofia, 1998; 2002; Turner & Hovenden, 1997; Weinstein, 1998) discussed the power relations surrounding the advertisements for computers in computing magazines, in particular deconstructing the imagery and text which manifested the dominant digital discourse of power (Millar, 1998). In these studies, the authors found that women were positioned as incapable and impotent users of computers.  The authors examined a number of New Zealand and Australian home computing magazines published in 2003 and 2004, looking for evidence of the gendered nature of technology or examples of any form which would constitute discrimination against women or other identity categories. The purpose of this research was to determine whether previous arguments were still relevant and current, or whether advertisements had changed to accommodate populist understandings of gender and cultural equity, or reflect improved power relations between the sexes. In this paper we have explored the findings of a study, which, although small in scale, raises larger questions concerning the 'new' ways in which issues of gender influence advertising focused on computers. Whilst there has been a significant reduction in overtly sexist texts, hegemonic understandings of masculinity and femininity nevertheless continue to structure mainstream advertisements with women routinely positioned in passive, non-expert or very limited kinds of roles. The extent to which this imagery reflects broader social patterns regarding the re-emergence of traditional portrayals of women and men in the media more generally will be the subject of future studies.

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We extend and provide a vector-valued version of some results of C. Samuel about the geometric relations between the spaces of nuclear operators N(E, F) and spaces of compact operators K(E, F), where E and F are Banach spaces C(K) of all continuous functions defined on the countable compact metric spaces K equipped with the supremum norm. First we continue Samuel's work by proving that N(C(K-1), C(K-2)) contains no subspace isomorphic to K(C(K-3), C(K-4)) whenever K-1, K-2, K-3 and K-4 are arbitrary infinite countable compact metric spaces. Then we show that it is relatively consistent with ZFC that the above result and the main results of Samuel can be extended to C(K-1, X), C(K-2,Y), C(K-3, X) and C(K-4, Y) spaces, where K-1, K-2, K-3 and K-4 are arbitrary infinite totally ordered compact spaces; X comprises certain Banach spaces such that X* are isomorphic to subspaces of l(1); and Y comprises arbitrary subspaces of l(p), with 1 < p < infinity. Our results cover the cases of some non-classical Banach spaces X constructed by Alspach, by Alspach and Benyamini, by Benyamini and Lindenstrauss, by Bourgain and Delbaen and also by Argyros and Haydon.

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The present study focused on the relations between the self-efficacy, social self-concept, time perspectives, school investment and academic achievement of students in four different European countries and in different adolescence periods. A total of 1623 students completed questionnaires. The relations between the concepts proved not to be specific to the Western or to the former Communist bloc countries studied. The expected general decline in investment and academic achievement over the adolescence period showed up in all four countries studied. Contrary to our hypothesis, however, this decline could not be explained by growing influences of either social self-concept or time perspectives regarding personal development on their investment. In fact, the effects of social self-concept were strongest for the youngest adolescence group. Students’ social self-concept was the best predictor for their investment, while self-efficacy proved to predict academic achievement best in all adolescence periods.

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To make the abolition of visas in relations between the EU and the Eastern European countries possible, the ”spell cast” must be broken on this issue. With the present levels of mobility and people-to-people, business and political contacts the introduction of a visa-free regime will be a natural consequence of the liberalisation processes which have been at work for years.Moreover, the decision to lift the visa requirement is unlikely to significantly stimulate an increase in migration pressure from Eastern European countries but could reduce the operating costs of expanded Schengen consular network. Lifting the visa requirement for Eastern European citizens can be temporary and conditional and allow for actual implementation of an increased conditionality rule. In political terms, making visa liberalisation a key issue would fundamentally change the partners’ approach to the Eastern Partnership and would provide a link to the Partnership for Modernisation targeted at Russia.

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Report year ends Dec. 31.

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The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.

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This paper focuses on teaching boys, male teachers and the question of gendered pedagogies in neoliberal and postfeminist times of the proliferation of new forms of capitalism, multi-mediated technologies and the influence of globalization. It illustrates how a politics of re-masculinization and its reconstitution needs to be understood as set against changing economic and social conditions in which gender equity comes to be re-focused on boys as the ‚new disadvantaged‘. This re-framing of gender equity, it is argued, has been fuelled by both a media-inspired backlash discourse about ‚failing boys‘ and a neo-positivist emphasis on numbers derived primarily from standardized testing regimes at both global and national levels. A media-focused analysis of the proliferation of discourses about ‚failing boys‘ vis-a-vis the problem of encroaching feminization in the school system is provided to illuminate how certain truths about the influence of male teachers come to define how the terms of ensuring gender equity are delimited and reduced to a question of gendered pedagogies as grounded in sexed bodies. Historical accounts of the feminization of teaching in the North American context are also provided as a basis for building a more informed understanding of the present, particularly as it relates to the contextualization of policy articulation and enactment regarding the problem of teaching boys. In light of such historically informed and critical media analysis, it is argued that what is needed is a more informed, evidenced based policy articulation of the problem of teaching boys and a more gender sensitive reflection on the politics of masculinities in postfeminist times. (DIPF/Orig.)

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This text is organized through discussions undertaken in the area of the History of Education in Rio Grande do Norte, circumscribed to the History of Women from the first decades of the Brazilian Republic, and to the analysis of what was expected of this education. We examined representations of women in Natal, between 1889 and 1914, with the goal of configuring relations between the sexes with the emphasis on moral, intellectual and pedagogical aspects required of these women. As documental sources we utilized the educational, civil and criminal Legislation, on a National scope, as well as on a State and Municipal scope. We circumscribed our search to the newspaper A República, in which we found literature that circulated in Natal in the form of pamphlets, short stories and poetry, as well as other texts by authors that were part of the corpus of analysis of this study, located in public and private archives in Rio Grande do Norte, such as the Historical and Geographic Institute of Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN) and the State Public Archive of Rio Grande do Norte (APE-RN). The use of the indexing method and the propositions of Cultural History were the appropriate theoretical-methodological framework to complete studies of this nature. This operational perspective permitted us to elaborate nuances about this time of transition from the 19th to the 20th Century, and to spotlight the fire of the women from this period. The basis of the argument that related women to maternity and domesticity, and within the ideals of abnegation and religious leadership, aligned to a demand coming from the increase in the quantity of schools for women, allocated women as the most appropriate for superior in educational performance in the country, based on its foundations: primary education. Beyond the universe of formal education, the other side of women appeared in republican politics. The mother-spouse and the institutionalization of domestic education associated the female gender with the role of educator at home as well. Be it in the public sphere, as a teacher, or in private, as mother-spouse, female care is perceived in this configuration, as an educational base that the Republic, and in transition, bequeathed to the Brazilian 20th Century