996 resultados para Quinta República (1964-1985), Brasil


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The existence of inequalities among the Brazilian regions is an indeed fact along the country s history. Before this reality the constitutional legislator inserted into the Federal Constitution of 1988, as a purpose of the Federative Republic of Brazil, the reduction of regional inequalities. The development has also been included as a purpose from the State, because there is an straight relation with the reduction of regional inequalities. In both situations is searched the improvement of people s living conditions. . In pursuit of this achievement, the State must implement public policy, and, for this to happen, it needs the ingress of income inside of the public coffers and support of economic agents, therefore the importance of constitucionalization of the economic policy. The 1988 s Constitution adopted a rational capitalism regime consentaneous with current legal and social conceptions, that s why it enabled the State s intervention into economy to correct the so-called market failures or to make the established objectives fulfilled. About this last one, the intervention may happen by induction through the adoption of regulatory Standards of incentive or disincentive of economic activity. Among the possible inductive ways there are the tax assessments that aim to stimulate the economic agents behavior in view of finding that the development doesn t occur with the same intensity in all of the country s regions. Inside this context there are the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) which are special areas with different customs regime by the granting of benefits to the companies that are installed there. The EPZs have been used, by several countries, in order to develop certain regions, and economic indicators show that they promoted economic and social changes in the places where they are installed, especially because, by attracting companies, they provide job creation, industrialization and increased exports. In Brazil, they can contribute decisively to overcome major obstacles or decrease the attraction of economic agents and economic development of the country. In the case of an instrument known to be effective to achieve the goals established by the Constitution, it is duty of the Executive to push for the law that governs this customs regime is effectively applied. If the Executive doesn t fulfill this duty, incurs into unjustifiable omission, correction likely by the Judiciary, whose mission is to prevent acts or omissions contrary to constitutional order

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Diante do atual modelo penal e processual penal não atender aos reclamos das partes interessadas, gerando um descrédito na Justiça de um modo geral, surge a Justiça Restaurativa como uma alternativa para solucionar tais problemas e como elemento de concretização do Estado Democrático Constitucional. A Constituição Federal de 1988 representa o símbolo maior do processo de democratização e de constitucionalização nacional. O Princípio da Dignidade da Pessoa contida no texto constitucional consiste num dos principais fundamentos da República Federativa do Brasil, funcionando como respaldo aos direitos e garantias fundamentais do cidadão, sobretudo na seara criminal. A partir do processo de constitucionalização nacional, ocorre uma releitura das legislações infra-constitucionais, que passam a ser interpretadas de acordo com o texto constitucional. Atualmente, a conjuntura jurídico-penal pátria está associada à ideia de garantismo, ligada ao conceito de Estado Democrático Constitucional. Apresenta-se a Justiça Restaurativa como um novo modelo de Justiça Penal, mais flexível e humanizado, visando além da aplicação da pena imposta pelo Estado, superar uma situação de conflito, na busca por resultados positivos no combate e redução da criminalidade, a satisfação da vítima e a mudança da cultura de violência, compatível com as diretrizes do Estado Democrático Constitucional. A partir da análise do direito internacional e de projetos e legislações nacionais envolvendo a Justiça Restaurativa, percebe-se a eficácia das medidas restaurativas na solução de conflitos dentro do Processo Penal, além da satisfação da vítima, do infrator e de familiares na participação dos encontros restaurativos, constituindo ferramenta de satisfação da dignidade humana, dentro de uma perspectiva humanista e garantista

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The research Cecília Meireles and the Pedagogical Lyric in Children My Love (1924) consists in a critical analysis, a cultural and historical approach to the pedagogical intentionalities and to the social and educational functionalities expressed in the childish literary work of the poetess and educator Cecília Meireles (1901-1964), in Brazil, during the first decades of XX century. The author s conceptions of the literary art, the philosophical and educational foundations, the Christian and liberal ideologies and values pertinent to her work for children and the relations between her texts and the ideals of the Brazilian intellectuals to effect changes in the every day life based on the child formation and on the teaching feminization process were examined in the work. This paper shows a content analysis with the intention of offering signification to the work Children My Love (1924) according to the investigation of specific categories: child, motherhood and schooling; through the exploration of synonymous and bipolar key-words found in Cecília s documents: child/adult, teacher/mother; school/home, ignorance/intelligence. The research intends to understand how the author articulates, in her informal pedagogical action in Children s Literature, science, literary and Christian faith knowledge, in order to expand her social and educational ideal concentrated in children, guided by the maternal hand and aimed at constructing a New Man, New Civilization and a New Social Order

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The neighborhood of Nossa Senhora da Apresentação emerged in the 1970s, with its origins linked to housing policies carried out during the Brazilian Military Regime (1964-1985) by the Company Housing (COHAB) subordinated to the National Housing Bank (BNH). In this sense, the neighborhood is considered a periphery, located in the northern part of the city. With a large territory and population, it is considered the largest neighborhood in the state capital Natal - and its metropolitan area. The neighborhood also represents an urban space that presents social, economic and structural contrasts among them violence. The neighborhood is the leader in homicide rates in the capital. Therefore, the following study, based on empirical analysis of three distinct spaces within the neighborhood, aims to analyze how social actors perceive their own neighborhood and, specifically, segregation and violence. As this work shows, these two instances of urban life are not separated in the discourse of the residents. The main contribution of this work is the analysis of the impact of those views on the construction of social stigmas, reproduced within the neighborhood, on the fragmentation of the social and spatial fabric, and on the formation of poor and elitist spaces within the neighborhood, confirming the hypothesis that we are facing a New Urban Periphery

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This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.

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Discurso del Excmo. Sr. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Presidente de la República Federativa del Brasil, en la Sede de la CEPAL, Santiago de Chile, 3 de marzo de 1995

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Durante os governos militares (1964-1985), a Amazônia foi foco de projetos de intervenção espacial sustentados pelo discurso da modernização. A ação do Estado nacional foi marcada pela seleção de áreas que passaram a concentrar capital e infraestrutura. O município de Barcarena (PA) destacou-se pela instalação dos projetos Albras e Alunorte, destinados ao beneficiamento e à exportação de alumínio. Eles voltaram a figurar como prioridade para o desenvolvimento regional nos planos de governo dos presidentes FHC e Lula. No que diz respeito às relações sociais de trabalho, nos anos 90, a indústria do alumínio passou a atuar com base na “flexibilização” produtiva. No discurso, defendia-se a maior qualidade do serviço; na prática, houve redução dos postos de trabalho e perda de garantias salariais e previdenciárias, como resultado das mudanças na gestão.

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Professor na rede municipal de São Paulo, apaixonado por cinema e com experiência como historiador da fotografia e do fotojornalismo, Enio de Freitas perguntava-se como imagens em movimento, mais exatamente o cinema, poderiam contribuir para enriquecer suas aulas de História. Para responder à questão, ele percebeu que seria necessário sistematizá-la teoricamente - e desta constatação surgiu esta obra. Freitas constrói a teoria por meio da análise de textos históricos e atuais que remetem à aplicação do cinema, e também da arte, na educação brasileira. A análise tem início nos anos 1930, durante a Era Vargas e a Escola Nova, e mostra as forças que procuravam controlar a educação no país, entendida então como uma questão político-social, e as implicações de um projeto de cinema educativo como veículo de aprendizagem e propagador de uma cultura nacional. O estudo segue avaliando o período da ditadura militar (1964-1985), especialmente a ligação entre a Organização Católica Internacional do Cinema (Ocic) e o movimento cineclubista católico brasileiro, que procurou atrair o público para as discussões morais que interessavam à Igreja, por meio da estratégia de educação de jovens. Ao analisar outro período, o do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o autor percebe o cinema como ferramenta de ensino, de acordo com as possibilidades abertas pelos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCN) publicados em 1998. E procura entender, também, qual o significado da utilização dessa arte em sala de aula. Posteriormente são estudadas publicações da prefeitura de São Paulo, voltadas para professores, que tratam dos objetivos e conteúdos previstos para cada área de conhecimento da escola municipal, além da relação desses documentos com propostas pedagógicas de aplicação da arte como meio de ensino

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This article aims to contextualize the educational affirmative action policies for ethnic racial groups in Brazilian legal system, present the main philosophical fundamentals that support these educational policies and discuss the validity of those fundamentals. In the legal context, the principle of substantive equality and the fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil, positivised in the Constitution of 1988, as well as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, allow the implementation of these policies. The philosophical fundamentals presented in this article are the thesis of compensatory justice and the thesis of distributive justice. The thesis of distributive justice has been refuted by logical legal arguments and by analysis of the right to higher education positivised in the Constitution. The thesis of compensatory justice has been considered a valid argument to support affirmative action policies, due to historical facts and sociological factors existing in the Brazilian context. It is concluded that the affirmative action policies for ethnic racial groups should be part of the Brazilian social policies, but these affirmative action policies should not invade the context of higher education, since the intended purposes are unrelated to this.

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Este artigo é constituído de duas hipóteses exploratórias: uma teórica e outra empírica. A primeira consiste numa breve reflexão sobre o conceito de revolução política e a sua aplicação à transição ao socialismo; a segunda, como caso empírico que ilustra a primeira, consiste no cotejamento entre algumas cláusulas da Constituição Bolivariana e da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil, além de um breve exame da conjuntura deflagrada a partir do caracazo, em 1989.

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This article has as its object of analysis the Inquiries Police-Military, adocumentation produced during the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985)and today it’s important sources for historians, sociologists, political scientists to understand the internal dynamics of repression, as well as specifying certainnetworks communist militancy and the engagement of progressive sectorsagainst the military government. Documents, court proceedings that currently in Brazil endorse the work of the Truth Commission, which seeks to ascertain the fate of disappeared politicians and determine the actions of the organs of repression during the military dictatorship in Brazil.

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Using the method of Social Networks Analysis, we’ll try to see if politicians swap votes between them seeking support for their projects, to this end, we’ll first map the behavior, activities and contacts of the Senators of the Brazilian Federative Republic within all the fixed committees which had some vote during the 52nd Legislature, then we can see the most popular and central Senators to each committee. After this analysis we wish to answer the following question: did logrolling exist in the Brazilian Senate? Previously the empirical analysis and response to the problems posed, we’ll present the necessary theoretical introduction understood by reviewing the literature on relevant subjects, whether they are purely theoretical with respect to the exchange of support, or analytical about the Brazilian political system.