832 resultados para Progressive Discipline


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In this article, we explore the role of self-help literature within the knowledge economy. We point to the recent growth of ironic humour within such texts, and examine how this operates to construct gendered and embodied subjectivities that position women according to a masculine gaze. Drawing on empirical data from self-help books for career women published between 1997 and 2007, we analyse the styles of embodiment that these texts promote. We find that career women are encouraged to maintain a stance of constant attention to themselves and their bodily presentations, a position that is in line with wider cultural features of contemporary knowledge economy working. We note that ironic humour is deployed in ways that subtly reinforce existing gender relations within contemporary organizations. Our article contributes to debates on subjectivity within the knowledge economy; while scholars have pointed to an increasing normative emphasis on embodied performances, we provide insights into the mechanisms by which this occurs, with a specific focus upon the growing genre of self-help literature and its recent shift to ironic humour.

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In trying to understand the effects of political parties on shaping the voting behaviour of legislators, research has attempted the difficult task of separating the effects of preferences from rules used by party leaders to enforce discipline. However, little research has explored the prospect that party labels also reflect a social identity that is independent of legislators’ preferences and the rules used by party leaders to enforce discipline. In this study we examine that possibility, employing a data set that permits us to control both for leadership-based effects and legislator preferences on a 2000 free vote dealing with stem cell research. Using the British Representation Studies 1997 – which interviewed Members of Parliament regarding their preferences on several key issues related to the bill – we find significant evidence that party-as-identification plays a role in shaping how legislators vote, even after preferences and discipline are accounted for.

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The stress regime in a cutting (slope) is complex, with different principle stresses acting in different directions along the potential failure plane. For example, stresses may be primarily in extension near the toe and in compression near the crest of a slope. Cuttings in heavily overconsolidated clays are known to be susceptible to progressive failure which usually starts at the toe of the slope. Softening and the development of rupture surfaces have been observed in the field and are well documented for London Clays. However, this failure mechanism is yet to be established for glacial tills. To better understand the progressive failure mechanism, this paper discusses a series of laboratory tests conducted on reconstituted glacial till samples from Northern Ireland. Initial observations indicate that, a soil with insitu stress states between 80-90% of peak strength may undergo significant viscoplastic straining as a result of the combination of pore-pressure cycling and elevated stress level.

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The title of this short (about 4500 words) intervention translates to "To Nail a Jellyfish? Finding a progressive agenda for EU anti-discrimination law". I engage with those criticising EU anti-discrimination law as yet another emanation of the EU's "neo-liberal" nature which fails to establish a viable social policy regime. I criticise this in two directions. First, I take issue with the theory that anti-discrimination law and policy has to be part of social policy. Actually, the field has a mission which differs from social policy, in that it addresses disadvantage resulting from othering, combating stereotypes as well as promoting accomodation of difference. Second, I show how the critique of judicialisation of policy is not unique to anti-discrimination law and policy. The so called turn to rights based employment law has been criticised under this mantra by those who fear that collective labour law mechanisms will become less prevalent. Further, those who have engaged with anti-discrimination law for a much longer time than those criticising it have also devised means to overcome the individualistic tendencies of rights adjudication. They have (partly successfully) argued in favour of establishing equality bodies and creating positive obligations. Thus, the critique neglects the field it takes on, and does not accept the fact that anti-discrimination law and policy must be considered a field in its own right instead of the servant of social law and policy.
Now, this is more a summary than an abstract - since I realise that not everyone reads German.

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Throughout Africa, charismatic Christianity has been caricatured as an inhibitor of democratization. Its adherents are said either to withdraw from the rough and tumble of politics ('pietism') or to preach a prosperity gospel that encourages believers to pour their resources into their churches in the hope that God will 'bless' them. Both courses of action are said to encourage such people to be politically quietist, with no interest in democratization or other forms of political activity. This is said to thwart democratization. This article utilizes an ethnographic case study of a 'progressive' charismatic congregation in Harare, Zimbabwe, in 2007, to provide evidence that 'pietism' and 'prosperity' are not the only options for charismatic Christianity. Drawing on the concept of 'spiritual capital', it argues that some varieties of charismatic Christianity have the resources to contribute to democratization. For example, this congregation's self-styled 'de-institutionalization' process is opening up new avenues for people to learn democratic skills and develop a worldview that is relationship-centred, participatory, and anti-authoritarian. The article concludes that spiritual capital can be a useful tool for analysing the role of religions in democratizations. It notes, however, that analysts should take care to identify and understand what variety of spiritual capital is generated in particular situations, focusing on the worldviews it produces and the consequences of those worldviews for democratization. © 2009 Taylor & Francis.

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Chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL) follows a variable clinical course which is difficult to predict at diagnosis. We assessed somatic mutation (SHM) status, CD38 and ZAP-70 expression in 87 patients (49 male, 38 female) with stage A CLL and known cytogenetic profile to compare their role in predicting disease progression, which was assessed by the treatment free interval (TFI) from diagnosis. Sixty (69%) patients were SHM+, 24 (28%) were CD38+ and ten (12%) were ZAP-70+. The median TFI for: (i) SHM + versus SHM- patients was 124 versus 26 months; hazard ratio (HR) = 3.6 [95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.8 - 7.3; P = 0.001]: (ii) CD38- versus CD38+ patients was 120 versus 34 months; HR = 2.4 (95% CI = 1.4 - 5.3; P = 0.02); and (iii) ZAP70- versus ZAP70+ was 120 versus 16 months; HR = 3.4 (95% CI = 1.4 - 8.7; P = 0.01). SHM status and CD38 retained prognostic significance on multivariate analysis whereas ZAP-70 did not. We conclude that ZAP-70 analysis does not provide additional prognostic information in this group of patients.