JAVÉ, O PASTOR QUE ABRIGA EM BELAS PASTAGENS CONTRIBUIÇÃO EXEGÉTICA SOBRE O SALMO 23

Na América Latina temos pouca bibliografia sobre o Salmo 23. No entanto, contamos com alguns pesquisadores que podem dialogar academicamente com cientistas europeus sobre nosso objeto de estudo. Apesar do grande atrativo deste texto no mundo pastoral de nosso continente, o aporte exegético deste Salmo estava em dívida, o que se tem convertido numa de nossa justificação científica para o estudo do Salmo 23. O Salmo 23 se incrusta dentro do saltério. É poesia hebraica, a que se caracteriza pela repetição do sentido de suas frases. Seu conteúdo está nas entrelinhas pelo uso freqüente de imagens, símbolos e figuras. Por estas e outras razões é difícil assinalar sua data de origem, mas deve ser pré-exílico. Nosso texto revela, como lugar vital, uma comunidade litúrgica. Essa comunidade está localizada no templo de Jerusalém. Ali se encontram, por sua vez, sacerdotes, levitas, intelectuais orgânicos; enfim, pessoas que têm testemunhado de perto a controvérsia de uma pessoa refugiada no templo, a que tem achado no santuário um lugar de amparo. Desde aqui deduzimos que o Salmo 23 foi escrito por alguém de sensibilidade poética, inspirado na vida do asilado. O salmista tem experimentado os cuidados de Javé. Ali, no templo, na área do reino de Javé, seus ameaçadores não podem capturá-lo. Os motivos de perseguição podem sugerir assuntos de dívidas e, ao mesmo tempo, assuntos de justiça. Uma vez no santuário, não carece de nada, porque seu pastor/rei lhe fornece o que precisa, isto é, comida, bebida, proteção, segurança, dignidade e fraternidade. Os agressores são testemunhas do estado de felicidade de seu inimigo, mas não podem fazer-lhe nada. Por isso o salmista, não teme e, na presença de Javé, encontra seu consolo. Javé, como pastor/rei, hospeda a seu protegido. Pela inocência reconhecida do refugiado, nasce o ambiente de festa, porque a comunidade litúrgica celebra a salvação alcançada. As graças recebidas têm para o salmista uma repercussão comunitária, o bem e a solidariedade que experimentou voltarão aos que o circundam, não por obrigação e sim por gratidão. Por assuntos de segurança e agradecimento o salmista deseja permanecer na casa de Javé.(AU)

O CAMINHO DO CORDEIRO: REPRESENTAÇÃO E CONSTRUÇÃO DE IDENTIDADE EM APOCALIPSE 14.1-5

Ao analisar Apocalipse 14.1-5, esta pesquisa encontrou afirmações que parecem representar a identidade de João e sua audiência, bem como a forma como eles concebiam o mundo. Nos seus elementos litúrgicos, estas pessoas se viam como sacerdotes de Deus, membros do seu reino, participantes do seu culto celestial e com dignidade exa ltada como a dos anjos do céu. Alguns elementos identitários, entretanto, não são compartilhados plenamente entre João e suas comunidades. O autor de Apocalipse possui altas demandas ascéticas e sectárias que o afastam não apenas da sociedade mais ampla, mas de qualquer irmão que tenha uma posição divergente. Ele enxerga o mundo mergulhado num conflito entre o Dragão e o Cordeiro, conflito esse que será vencido com a participação de 144.000 guerreiros através da prática do martírio. Esta tradição da guerra santa insere no Apocalipse o potencial de isolar sectariamente a audiência da sociedade e de outros grupos religiosos.(AU)

The construction of masculinities and femininities in the Church of England:the case of the male clergy spouse

The ordination of women to the priesthood in the Church of England in 1994 signified great change. The impact of the new priests was well documented, and their integration became the focus of much research in the following years. One important area of change was the altered dynamics of gender identity. New roles had opened up for women, but new identities had also emerged for men. While women priests were a new historical emergence, so too were clergy husbands. This paper will consider the historical construction of masculinities and femininities within the church and will go on to look at this in the context of clergy spouses, specifically focusing on men occupying this role. Some provisional findings, acting as work in progress, will be considered.

The scrutinized priest:women in the Church of England negotiating professional and sacred clothing regimes

This article examines the integration of women priests in the Church of England through the lens of dress. Clothing is a salient dynamic in occupational cultures, particularly in relation to the regulation of gendered bodies. Women's ordination to the priesthood was only sanctioned in 1992. Complex clothing regimes are negotiated, for ordination bestows upon the priest certain clothing rights and responsibilities. However, such attire has traditionally been associated only with the male body, creating tension in relation to women's appropriation of this sacred and professional dress. Based on in-depth interviews with 17 Anglican clergy women, this article will focus both on the scrutiny the women experienced in relation to their clothing choices, as well as the relationship the women themselves negotiated with their clothes. It will be argued that as representatives of both a sacred and professional domain, clothing had to be carefully managed by clergy. Dress functioned as a key test in women's integration into the organization, often operating as a constraining and exclusionary mechanism. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

The Romanian Orthodox Church

At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

Curriculum Vitae of Petar R. Popivanov

Petar Radoev Popivanov was born on April 6, 1946 in Sofia. Traces of this branch of Popivanov’s are found in the late 1700’s in Lyaskovets, a small town near Veliko Tarnovo, the old capital of the second Bulgarian kingdom. In the family tree one finds in the last 200 years or so lawyers, men of learning, men of politics, military officers, physicians, priests. In particular, his father Radoy Popivanov (1913-2010) was a well known Bulgarian scientist in Biology and Immunogenetics and a Full Member of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (BAS).

Gnosticism, Transformation, and the Role of the Feminine in the Gnostic Mass of the Ecclesia Gnostica Catholica (E.G.C.)

The Gnostic Mass of the Ecclesia Gnostica Catholica (E.G.C.) suggests a heterosexual gender binary in which the female Priestess seated on the altar as the sexual and fertile image of the divine feminine is directed by the male Priest’s activity, desire and speech. The apparent contradiction between the empowered individual and the polarized gender role was examined by comparing the ritual symbolism of the feminine with the interpretations of four Priestesses and three Priests (three pairs plus one). Findings suggest that the Priestess’ role in the Gnostic Mass is associated with channeling, receptivity, womb, cup, and fertility, while the Priest’s role is associated with enthusiasm, activity, phallus, lance, and virility. Despite this strong gender duality, the Priestesses asserted that their role was personally and spiritually empowering, and they maintained heterosexual and polarized gendered roles are necessary in a transformative ritual which ultimately reveals the godlike unified individual.

Entre veados, carneiros e formigas: conflito pela posse de terra na ribeira do Ceará-Mirim, e concepções de mentalidade possessória, 1725-1761

Shaping the Luso-Brazilian space in Portuguese America was through constant conflicts between different individuals and institutions. Regarding to land ownership, such conflicts were aggravated, depending on the individuals involved and their context. The captaincy of Rio Grande, there is conflict over land ownership Cidade dos Veados and Olho d' Água Azul and its stakeholders: priests of the Society of missionaries of the village Guajiru; indian mission Guajiru; and members of Carneiro da Cunha family. In 1725, the jesuit mission Guajiru requested a league of land at a place called Cidade dos Veados for the indians of his mission claiming that the land that the mission had was not sufficient for the subsistence of the same. In 1727, priest requested another league of land in place Olho d'Água Azul, stating that the mission had more than 192 couples. Both lands were properly required for the mission guajiru. however, in 1760, with the changes imposed by the indian directorate ombudsman responsible for investigating indigenous possessions realized that the indians did not occupy the two lands requested in the 1720s , due to the fact João Carneiro da Cunha has taken possession of the same. As a result, the impasse over land are ligth. This conflict over land ownership Cidade dos Veados and Olho d'Água Azul, we intend to highlight in particular the motivations and mindsets about possessory property of each party involved. We seek to understand the motivations of each group involved allowed the use of specific strategies and set out to try to take possession of the lands of the Cidade dos Veados e Olho d'Água Azul

The Consecration of the first woman priest of the NYC Epsicopal Church. The others in the photo with their hands on her head are the Bishop and the Presbyters.

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Reverend Carol Linda Anderson, First Episcopal Woman Ordained Priest of the NYC Archdiocese

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Sister Theresa Kane

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Reverend Ellen Barrett, first lesbian Episcopal Priest, with Reverend Paul Moore

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Betty Hutton

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Bishop Horace Donegan ordains Rev. Carol Anderson, the first Episcopal woman ordained priest

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Reverend Ellen Barrett, first lesbian Episcopal Priest, with Reverend Paul Moore

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.