De uma cultura política à Teologia da Liberação: as cartas do cárcere de Frei Betto e a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

A ordem republicana em Mato Grosso: disputas de poder e rotinização das práticas políticas - 1889-1917

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Imprensa italiana em São Paulo e o fascismo: o Fanfulla (1921-1942)

This article intends to verify the Fanfulla's action in the dynamic of the political propaganda, as well as the cultural exchanges established with the fascism during 1922-1924. The leading question is insert on the political culture studies concerned with the significance of the fascism spread among the Italian immigrants and his descendants located on the Sao Paulo State. It unfold in others questions: the reason of the Mussolini government pledge to publish those ideas, the themes approached in this propaganda, the reactions it rise, as well on the Italian community, the Brazilian government and political movements. On this issue is included the position of the Brazilian government, on the Brazilian diplomacy or in the repressive agencies toward fascist Italy and the supporters of the fascism. The choice of the newspaper Fanfulla is justified for its position in the historiography, considered the most expressive source for this study, due its longevity, relations with the fascist regime and diffusion on Sao Paulo State.

“#VemPraRua”: as manifestações de junho de 2013 em São Paulo e a nova esfera pública

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Estado e burocracia: limites de aplicação da Lei de Acesso a Informações no Brasil

Saudada como consequência de um complexo processo de evolução do arcabouço jurídico-institucional brasileiro, a Lei Federal 12.527, denominada Lei de Acesso a Informações, sancionada em 18 de novembro de 2011 e regulamentada no âmbito do Poder Executivo federal pelo Decreto 7.724, de 16 de maio de 2012, atende o pressuposto do direito à informação fixado pela Constituição Federal de 1988. Valores e práticas historicamente construídos podem significar obstáculos e resistências importantes à sua aplicação. Características do próprio texto legal, que vêm à tona quando comparado aos seus congêneres internacionais, também sinalizam possíveis complicadores. Este artigo indica limites que a Lei de Acesso a Informações pode enfrentar à sua consolidação, originários principalmente do campo da cultura político-institucional, que se tornam mais nítidos com o exame de características brasileiras em comparação com outros países que possuem dispositivos semelhantes.

As percepções dos jovens estudantes de Londrina/PR sobre política

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Ghana@50 – celebrating the nation: an eyewitness account from Accra /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 83

This article offers an account of the 50th Ghanaian independence-day celebrations during March 2007. The multi-perspective approach examines how celebrations were experienced in the Ghanaian capital Accra by the political elite and the grass roots at a variety of official and unofficial events that took place on 5 and 6 March 2007. During the festivities the authors accompanied Ghanaian friends from different political factions and thus provide close-hand accounts of political controversies over issues regarding how the nation ought to organise and celebrate its Independence Day, controversies which provide important insights into Ghanaian political culture. From this it is clear that the celebrations not only serve as expressions of national pride but also moments of critical reflection on the nation, national values and socio-political unity. These reflections, manifest as disputes about national and ethnic symbols, centre on the conditions and limits of political, social, ethnic and regional inclusiveness. At the same time, underlying such disputes are commonalities resting not on substantive symbols, cultural traits or other objectifiable characteristics, but on a Ghanaian consensus to agree on the issues at stake and on the rules of debate. Controversy thus functions not to divide but rather to strengthen national consciousness and deepen a sense of commonality that Ghanaians generally express as their commitment to ‘unity in diversity’.

"Un libro per ogni compagno". Case editrici e politiche per la lettura del partito comunista italiano (1944-1956)

Anche se la politica editoriale comunista rappresenta un campo di indagine fondamentale nella ricerca sul Pci, la sua attività editoriale è caduta in un oblio storico. Assumendo il libro come supporto materiale e veicolo della cultura politica comunista, e la casa editrice come canale di socializzazione, questa ricerca s’interroga sui suoi processi di costruzione e di diffusione. La ricerca si muove in due direzioni. Nel primo capitolo si è tentato di dare conto delle ragioni metodologiche dell’indagine e della messa a punto delle ipotesi di ricerca sul “partito editore”, raccogliendo alcune sfide poste alla storia politica da altri ambiti disciplinari, come la sociologia e la scienza politica, che rappresentano una vena feconda per la nostra indagine. La seconda direzione, empirica, ha riguardato la ricognizione delle fonti e degli strumenti di analisi per ricostruire le vicende del “partito editore” dal 1944 al 1956. La suddivisione della ricerca in due parti – 1944-1947 e 1947-1956 – segue a grandi linee la periodizzazione classica individuata dalla storiografia sulla politica culturale del Pci, ed è costruita su quattro fratture storiche – il 1944, con la “svolta di Salerno”; il 1947, con la “svolta cominformista”; il 1953, con la morte di Stalin e il disgelo; il 1956, con il XX Congresso e i fatti d’Ungheria – che sono risultate significative anche per la nostra ricerca sull’editoria comunista. Infine, il presente lavoro si basa su tre livelli di analisi: l’individuazione dei meccanismi di decisione politica e dell’organizzazione assunta dall’editoria comunista, esaminando gli scopi e i mutamenti organizzativi interni al partito per capire come i mutamenti strategici e tattici si sono riflessi sull’attività editoriale; la ricostruzione della produzione editoriale comunista; infine, l’identificazione dei processi di distribuzione e delle politiche per la lettura promosse dal Pci.

Zum Demokratieverständnis von Jugendlichen in Deutschland : eine empirische Untersuchung mit Implikationen für die politische Bildung

Die Arbeit untersucht anhand empirischer Daten aus dem Jahr 2012 (ESS 6) das normative Demokratieverständnis von Jugendlichen im Alter zwischen 15 und 26 Jahren. Im Unterschied zu vorangegangenen Studien wird das normative Demokratieverständnis der Jugendlichen zum einen detaillierter untersucht, zum anderen dem der Erwachsenen gegenüber gestellt und drittens werden dessen Determinanten umfassender betrachtet. rnDen theoretischen Rahmen der Untersuchung bilden das klassische Konzept der politischen Kultur und die politische Sozialisationstheorie. rnEs zeigt sich, dass Jugendliche über ein verhältnismäßig gut ausgeprägtes normatives Demokratieverständnis verfügen, dieses jedoch niedriger ausgeprägt ist als das der Erwachsenen, wobei letzterer Befund für ältere Jugendliche nur noch punktuell gilt. Zudem weisen die Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass bei den Jugendlichen weitestgehend die gleichen Aspekte des normativen Demokratieverständnisses im gruppeninternen Vergleich über- bzw. unterdurchschnittlich ausgeprägt sind wie bei den Erwachsenen. Unterschiede zwischen Jugendlichen und Erwachsenen zeigen sich insbesondere für die elektorale Dimension der Demokratie und weniger für die liberale Dimension. Als wichtige Determinanten des Demokratieverständnisses von Jugendlichen werden sowohl der individuelle Bildungsgrad und das individuelle politische Interesse als auch der Bildungshintergrund der Eltern identifiziert.rnAus den Ergebnissen werden am Ende der Arbeit Implikationen mit Bezügen zu Inhalten, Adressaten und Akteuren politischer Bildungsarbeit diskustiert. rn

Die Entwicklung demokratischer Wertorientierungen in den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsländern : eine Kohortenanalyse auf Basis des European Social Survey

In dieser Masterarbeit wird die Frage untersucht, ob sich in den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsländern der Erweiterungsrunde von 2004 (Estland, Litauen, Polen, Slowakei, Slowenien, Ungarn, Tschechien) in der Befürwortung verschiedener normativer Demokratiemodelle Unterschiede zwischen der jüngsten und den älteren Generationen finden lassen. Diese demokratischen Wertorientierungen spielen für die Persistenz der noch jungen Demokratien eine entscheidende Rolle. Eine Inkongruenz des mehrheitlich favorisierten Demokratiemodells einerseits und der institutionellen Struktur andererseits kann zu Spannungen und Instabilität des politischen Systems führen. Theoretisch werden zwei Demokratiekonzeptionen unterschieden: Das Modell der liberalen Demokratie und das Modell der sozialistischen Demokratie. Dem Sozialisationsansatz folgend, sollte die jüngste Generation ein liberales Demokratiemodell eher und ein sozialistisches Demokratiemodell weniger befürworten als die älteren Generationen. In der empirischen Analyse auf Basis der Daten der sechsten Welle des European Social Survey von 2012 wird zunächst durch konfirmatorische Faktorenanalysen die konzeptuelle Trennung beider Modelle bestätigt. In der Regressionsanalyse wird der Fokus durch die Untersuchung verschiedener Kohorten gelegt, zusätzlich wird für situative Faktoren und mögliche Alterseffekte kontrolliert. Die Ergebnisse der Modellschätzungen zeichnen ein heterogenes Bild. In keinem der untersuchten Länder zeigt sich eine signifikant höhere Zustimmung zum liberalen Demokratiemodell durch die jüngste Generation, wie es der theoretischen Erwartung entsprechen würde. Stattdessen finden sich entweder keine signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen den Generationen oder sogar signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte durch die jüngste Generation. Bei der Befürwortung eines sozialistischen Demokratiemodells entsprechen die Ergebnisse teilweise der theoretischen Erwartung: In einigen Ländern finden sich signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte in der jüngsten Generation.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

The invention of democratic parliamentary practices in the Helvetic Republic

In this book, leading historians of the French, Batavian, Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Neapolitan revolutions bridge the gap between the historiographies of the so-called Sister Republics and explore political culture as a set of discourses or political practices. Parliamentary practices, the comparability of "universal" political concepts, late-eighteenth-century Republicanism, the relationship between press and politics, and the interaction between the Sister Republics and France are all examined from a comparative, transnational perspective.

Institutionelle Regeln oder politische Kultur? Faktoren der parlamentarischen Mitgliederfluktuation in der Schweiz

Die Frage, ob es institutionelle Regeln oder Merkmale der politischen Kultur sind, die den personellen Wechsel in Parlamenten erklären, wird auf subnationaler Ebene für alle 26 kantonalen Legislativen der Schweiz für den Zeitraum zwischen 1960 und 2012 untersucht. Die Befunde zeigen, dass sowohl institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen als auch kulturelle Merkmale bedeutende Beiträge zur Erklärung der kantonalen Unterschiede der Parlamentsfluktuation bieten. Während Massnahmen wie die Senkung der Anzahl Parlamentsmandate und die Amtszeitbeschränkung einen direkten und starken Einfluss auf die Fluktuationsrate haben, erweisen sich die Höhe der finanziellen Vergütungen und institutionelle Regeln zur Stärkung des Parlaments gegenüber der Exekutive ohne nachhaltigen Einfluss. Langfristige politisch-kulturelle Merkmale wie die Zugehörigkeit zu einem Sprachraum sind mindestens ebenso wichtig wie einzelne institutionelle Arrangements. Als relativ unbedeutend zur Erklärung der kantonalen Niveauunterschiede parlamentarischer Mitgliederfluktuation erweisen sich sozioökonomische und demographische Faktoren – mit Ausnahme des Urbanisierungsgrads.

La cultura política : un objeto compartido

La denominación "cultura política" se ha constituido en objeto de estudio de diversas disciplinas sociales. Particularmente la historia de las ideas y la sociología política han convergido en este campo con el objeto de reconstruir redes de relaciones significativas entre el mundo simbólico y la vida política - social. Los itinerarios seguidos por ambas, así como propuestas y debates de autores de amplia difusión académica, nos muestra tanto el enriquecimiento, como las limitaciones, con que la producción en torno a los denominados "giro cultural", "lingüístico", "antropológico" y "sociológico", ha pretendido avanzar en la interpretación de significados con los que se teje la trama política.

La cultura política en Corrientes

En esta tesis se aborda la historia política correntina del período 1909- 1930, centrándose en la actuación de los partidos políticos, en las elecciones y prácticas políticas y electorales con el objeto de contribuir a la reconstrucción y comprensión de la cultura política provincial y aportar al conocimiento de la historia política argentina de esa etapa. La provincia de Corrientes, constituye un caso peculiar en el contexto nacional, al convertirse en la única que no tuvo un gobierno radical en todo el período posterior a la sanción de la ley electoral de 1912. Lo que aquí se trató de demostrar fue que los mecanismos que permitieron la permanencia de los gobiernos conservadores en esa provincia fueron tanto institucionales como culturales. Entre ellos, se destacan la adecuación al nuevo sistema político por medio de una reforma de la Constitución Provincial que confirmó el sistema de representación proporcional en lugar del sistema de lista incompleta y la reorganización de los partidos conservadores a través de la instauración de la política del acuerdo. Así, la permanencia de éste sector en el gobierno durante todo el período analizado, estuvo más vinculada con la puesta en práctica de estos mecanismos, que con el incremento de la participación del electorado o la influencia de elementos discursivos o ideológicos.