883 resultados para POLITICAL PARTICIPATION


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El departamento de Desarrollo Local del Ayuntamiento de Guía de Isora, en Tenerife, ha realizado un inventario de los caminos históricos del municipio con el fin de recuperarlos y hacerlos accesible a los ciudadanos. Los caminos se han recogido con la ayuda de señores/as mayores del municipio que han transitado por los mismos, en muchas ocasiones diariamente, hace más de 30-40 años. El inventario realizado está disponible actualmente a través de la página del Ayuntamiento, http://www.guiadeisora.org/, mediante la descarga de ficheros PDF. Para mejorar la gestión de los caminos, así como para mejorar la divulgación de la información relacionada con las rutas (seguridad, impactos humanos, señalización, puntos de interés y elementos descriptivos.), el ayuntamiento desarrolla un Geoportal basado en la IDE. El modelo de datos espaciales atiende a dos usos. Por un lado, el de portal informativo para ciudadanos y turistas y por otro lado, el de herramienta interna del propio ayuntamiento para la gestión de los caminos históricos (renovación, limpieza, homologación, etc.). En este segundo uso se tiene en cuenta múltiples criterios entre los que destaca por ejemplo, si el camino pasa por un espacio natural protegido o las relaciones de propiedad existentes (catastro). Para obtener una mejor idea del estado actual de las rutas históricas es imprescindible contar con información amplia y detallada sobre el estado actual de los caminos incluyendo los (I) impactos medioambientales existentes, la (II) seguridad que afecta al senderista, los (III) puntos de interés y la señalización que se encuentra en el camino. Con este fin, se tiene previsto organizar un concurso fotográfico junto con talleres de geotagging gratuitos para ciudadanos. Se prevé premiar fotos digitales relacionadas con estos 4 aspectos. El sistema permite la carga directa de estas fotos a una capa en la base de datos extrayendo la información Exif de las mismas. Esta información se visualizará directamente en el portal o a través de informes PDF que se generan de manera automática por el aplicativo. Dichos informes pueden ser entregados directamente a entidades que se encargan de la limpieza de los caminos o también sirven para la homologación de los mismos

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El presente trabajo pretende evidenciar cómo la democracia de los estados plurinacionales, como Ecuador, si bien ha realizado avances importantes en cuanto a la universalización de la participación política dentro de un sistema democrático, ni siquiera se ha planteado la posibilidad de pluriculturizar los mecanismos por los que se manifiesta la voluntad popular. el hecho de contar con un único sistema electoral, estatal y construido a partir de un enfoque formalista de democracia liberal, como regla de la mayoría, puede producir efectos de participación en desventaja en relación a sectores sociales cuyas tradiciones y formas de participación política son distintas pero no por ello, menos democráticas, si las comparamos con el sistema electoral estatal, de ahí que, el autor plantea esta inquietud como una provocación al debate académico y social sobre el tema.

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El artículo analiza los requisitos para ser ciudadano con base en la comparación de las constituciones emitidas entre 1812 y 1830 en Ecuador. Se observa cómo los actores locales recibieron e interpretaron estos artículos y se enfatiza en el examen de cómo los indígenas reclamaron los derechos ciudadanos, así como los procesos de negociación en la participación política de los grupos étnicos. Además, se examinan los discursos sobre el derecho a la ciudadanía y las estrategias de argumentación usadas por los actores locales, de acuerdo a algunos casos de la Sierra ecuatoriana.

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The article – which is co-authored with Irene Zagrebelsky – focuses on the work of the Italian playwright and actor Beppe Rosso, and it is the most detailed critical account on Rosso’s production so far. Based on original material and interviews, it not only analyses Rosso’s widely acclaimed “Trilogy of invisibility” in the light of recent political events in Italy, but it also – in its first two sections – introduces the so called “teatro di narrazione” to Italian scholars in the UK, and in its two last sections opens up new perspectives on the relationship between contemporary theatre, citizenship and political participation.

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The book develops a novel legal argument about the voting rights of recognised 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees. The main normative contention is that such refugees should have the right to vote in the political community where they reside, assuming that the political community is a democracy and that its citizens have the right to vote. The basis of this contention is that the right to political participation in some political community is a basic right from the point of view of dignity and the protection of one’s interests. Due to their unique political predicament, 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees are a special category of non-citizen residents. They are unable to participate in elections of their state of origin, do not enjoy its diplomatic protection and consular assistance abroad, and – most fundamentally – are unable or unwilling, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, to return to it; thus, they are in limbo for a potentially protracted period. Refugees, too, deserve to have a place in the world in the Arendtian sense, where their opinions are significant and their actions are effective. Their state of asylum is, for the time being, the only community in which there is any realistic prospect of political participation on their part.

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Collection of the essays presented at the international conference on deliberative democray and Chinese practice of participatory and deliberative institutions

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The 2004 tsunami provided a catalyst for peace talks over the separatist conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, leading to its eventual resolution in 2005. As Aceh was going to peaceful elections in 2006, Sri Lanka, which had also been affected by the tsunami, appeared to be returning to full-scale separatist war. This article assesses some of the underlying similarities and differences between the conflicts in Aceh and Sri Lanka. Within this, it will touch upon claims to self-determination, human rights and political participation, representation, transparency and accountability, more commonly referred to as 'democracy'. In particular, it will acknowledge these values as both challenges to the (restrictive) state, and the means of securing (nonrestrictive) state cohesion. Originating in the local and specific, these claims necessarily transcend the local and come to reflect elements of the normative global. In more concrete terms, the Aceh conflict was largely resolved by introducing greater local autonomy within a more democratic space. This paper similarly proposes that a resolution to the Sri Lanka conflict can only come about through the introduction of greater autonomy and democratic plurality. However, with conceptual and strategic hostility growing between Sri Lanka's conflicting parties, it appeared that such resolution was likely only after further protracted bloodshed.

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In a capitalistic market society, all individuals should have an equal opportunity to participate, with varying extents, in consumerism. Democracy entitles one to political participation but people have come to value consumer participation as having more importance as shopping and the exchange of goods and services have become an important part of everyday living. Yet not everyone can participate in consumerism and they end up suffering, especially the children living in poverty. These children internalize the message that since they cannot participate in a society based on material consumption, they cannot belong. Poverty not only causes individuals to experience their lives differently, but also affects the development of one’s physical, cognitive, social, and emotional identity. Many of the consequences of poverty have been scrutinized and studied to try to explain the experiences of such children. What has not been closely examined however is the relationship between the inability to participate in a consumer society and the bodily being, thoughts, actions, and feelings of impoverished children. I will discuss how these effects of poverty result in the inability of children to participate in society.

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This study offers a multi-faceted response to the question of whether or not network computers can improve citizen power from the perspective of deliberative democratic theory. It concludes that in particular circumstances, computers can enhance citizens' power, and improve deliberation in liberal-democratic forums.

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This chapter begins with an exploration of the digital divide in the Australian context. This discussion is followed by an examination of online education, professional development and the capacity of ICT to enhance the well-being of practitioners. The chapter then focuses on the use of ICT in human services and the rise of computer mediated self help and support groups. The potential for ICT to promote and extend political participation is also explored as well as the role of ICT in global development. Throughout, the potential for inclusion and exclusion is highlighted, using examples and critical analysis for exploring the inclusionary and exclusionary capacity of ICT.

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While social media tools enable new kinds of creativity, cultural expression and forms of public, civic and political participation, we often hear more about the harms that arise from instances of trolling and 'aberrant' online participation, including racist provocation. In media and communications research, these issues have been framed in a number of ways, usually focusing on new tools for civic engagement, political participation and digital inclusion. Government policy has been shifting steadily towards potential regulation of social media 'misuse' in relation to appropriate forms of 'digital citizenship'. It is in this evolving context that we consider several instances of cultural or nationalistic provocation and conflict in which social media platforms (YouTube and Facebook in particular) have been central to the social dynamic that has unfolded. We examine the recording and uploading of racist rants and associated bystander actions on public transport in Australia and elsewhere around the world. In this article, we contend that while racism remains an issue in uses of social media platforms such as YouTube, this focus often overshadows these platforms' productive potential, including their capacity to support agonistic publics from which productive expressions of cultural citizenship and solidarity might emerge.

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The most recent national Census demonstrated that Australian Muslims continue to occupy a socioeconomically disadvantaged position. On key indicators of unemployment rate, income, type of occupation and home ownership, Muslims consistently under-perform the national average. This pattern is evident in the last three Census data (2001, 2006 and 2011). Limited access to resources and a sense of marginalisation challenge full engagement with society and the natural growth of emotional affiliation with Australia. Muslim active citizenship is hampered by socioeconomic barriers. At the same time, an increasingly proactive class of educated Muslim elite has emerged to claim a voice for Muslims in Australia and promote citizenship rights and responsibilities.

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We investigate whether aid contributed to institutional development in transition economies. We find that aid flows have a positive effect on democratization, especially on constraints on the executive and political participation. At the same time, total aid has no effect on overall quality of governance, while US aid appears to have a negative impact on some dimensions of governance. Aid's differential impact on democracy and governance is consistent with uneven development of institutions and the democracy consolidation hypothesis. We also find that aid has a non-linear effect on democracy. Openness has a positive effect on both democracy and good governance. Oil resources have an adverse effect on democracy. Adult mortality, civil war and adherence to Islam are all detrimental to good governance.