Citizen safety at local level: fieldwork notes on performance and perception of the ‘Quadrant Plan’ in Cali (Colombia)

This article summarizes field notes related to the study of the actions performed by the Metropolitan Police of Santiago de Cali in the context of its ‘Plan Cuadrante’ (a micro-local security action plan) and the citizen’s perception towards it. Taking an ethnographic approach, it places special emphasis on the actions that imply identifying the main criminal and violent actors and activities. The study focuses on four local districts of the city: El Cortijo, Mariano Ramos, Terrón Colorado y Villa del Lago.

The Court of Justice of the European Union as a fundamental rights tribunal: challenges for the effective delivery of fundamental rights in the area of freedom, security and justice. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 49, 29 August 2012

This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

The post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament in the EU's Common Commercial Policy: Implications for bilateral trade negotiations. EU Diplomacy Paper 05/2012, July 2012

This paper sets out to conduct an empirical analysis of the post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament (EP) in the EU’s Common Commercial Policy through an examination of the ‘deep and comprehensive’ bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) currently negotiated as part of the EU’s Global Europe strategy. The EU-Korea and EU-India FTAs are used as case studies in order to determine the implications of the EP’s enhanced trade powers on the processes, actors and outcomes of EU bilateral trade policy. The EP is now endowed with the ‘hard power’ of consent in the ratification phase of FTAs, acting as a threat to strengthen its ‘soft power’ to influence negotiations. The EP is developing strategies to influence the mandate and now plays an important role in the implementation of FTAs. The entry of this new player on the Brussels trade policy field has brought about a shift in the institutional balance of power and opened up the EP as a new point of access for trade policy lobbyists. Finally, increased EP involvement in EU trade policy has brought about a politicisation of EU trade policy and greater normative outcomes of FTAs.

The legitimacy of the UN Security Council: evidence from recent General Assembly debates

Existing research on the legitimacy of the UN Security Council is conceptual or theoretical, for the most part, as scholars tend to make legitimacy assessments with reference to objective standards. Whether UN member states perceive the Security Council as legitimate or illegitimate has yet to be investigated systematically; nor do we know whether states care primarily about the Council's compliance with its legal mandate, its procedures, or its effectiveness. To address this gap, our article analyzes evaluative statements made by states in UN General Assembly debates on the Security Council, for the period 1991–2009. In making such statements, states confer legitimacy on the Council or withhold legitimacy from it. We conclude the following: First, the Security Council suffers from a legitimacy deficit because negative evaluations of the Council by UN member states far outweigh positive ones. Nevertheless, the Council does not find itself in an intractable legitimacy crisis because it still enjoys a rudimentary degree of legitimacy. Second, the Council's legitimacy deficit results primarily from states' concerns regarding the body's procedural shortcomings. Misgivings as regards shortcomings in performance rank second. Whether or not the Council complies with its legal mandate has failed to attract much attention at all.

Conservation genetics of the endangered Pampas deer (Ozotoceros bezoarticus)

The Pampas deer (Ozotoceros bezoarticus L. 1758) is the most endangered neotropical cervid, and in the past occupied a wide range of open habitats including grassland, pampas, savanna, and cerrado (Brazil) from 5 degrees to 41 degrees S. To better understand the effect of habitat fragmentation on gene flow and genetic variation, and to uncover genetic units for conservation, we examined DNA sequences from the mitochondrial control region of 54 individuals from six localities distributed throughout the present geographical range of the Pampas deer. Our results suggest that the control region of the Pampas deer is one of the most polymorphic of any mammal. This remarkably high variability probably reflects large historic population sizes of millions of individuals in contrast to numbers of fewer than 80 000 today. Gene flow between populations is generally close to one migrant per generation and, with the exception of two populations from Argentina, all populations are significantly differentiated. The degree of gene flow was correlated with geographical distance between populations, a result consistent with limited dispersal being the primary determinant of genetic differentiation between populations. The molecular genetic results provide a mandate for habitat restoration and reintroduction of Pampas deer so that levels of genetic variation can be preserved and historic patterns of abundance can be reconstructed. However, the source of individuals for reintroduction generally should be from populations geographically closest to those now in danger of extinction.

HOLISTIC WOMEN: "GREEN BLOUSE" NURSES TO THE SERVICE OF THE NATION

This study aims to investigate the role assigned to the holistic nurse and the education she receives to perform her role with maximum efficiency within the Brazilian Holistic Action (Acao Integralista Brasileira), a right-wing political party that emerged in Brazil in the 1930s. It uses holistic newspapers, the "Holistic Encyclopedia" collection, and records about the Holistic School of Nursing which compose the criminal collection by the Political Police, organized by the Special Police of Political and Social Safety as source material. As a result, the study presents a significant investment of holistic thinking in formally educating nurses, women who took the opportunity of the moment to expand their social arenas. It concludes that, although holistic thinking strengthened social roles described as female, the women's relationship with the movement was innovative because it enabled new practices and representations that they also started to develop in the public sphere, for example, working as nurses.

Development and validation of a liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry method for the quantitation of synthetic cannabinoids of the aminoalkylindole type and methanandamide in serum and its application to forensic samples

After the discovery of synthetic cannabimimetic substances in 'Spice'-like herbal mixtures marketed as 'incense' or 'plant fertilizer' the active compounds have been declared as controlled substances in several European countries. As expected, a monitoring of new herbal mixtures which continue to appear on the market revealed that shortly after control measures have been taken by legal authorities, other compounds were added to existing mixtures and to new products. Several compounds of the aminoalkylindole type have been detected so far in herbal mixtures but still their consumption cannot be detected by commonly used drug-screening procedures, encouraging drug users to substitute cannabis with those products. There is a increasing demand on the part of police authorities, hospitals and psychiatrists for detection and quantification of synthetic cannabinoids in biological samples originating from psychiatric inpatients, emergency units or assessment of fitness to drive. Therefore, a liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry method after liquid-liquid extraction for the quantitation of JWH-015, JWH-018, JWH-073, JWH-081, JWH 200, JWH-250, WIN 55,212-2 and methanandamide and the detection of JWH-019 and JWH-020 in human serum has been developed and fully validated according to guidelines for forensic toxicological analyses. The method was successfully applied to 101 serum samples from 80 subjects provided by hospitals, detoxification and therapy centers, forensic psychiatric centers and police authorities. Fifty-seven samples or 56.4% were found positive for at least one aminoalkylindole. JWH-019, JWH-020, JWH-200, WIN 55,212-2 and methanandamide were not detected in any of the analyzed samples.

Resocialization of the Street Children

This project studied the phenomenon of street children through various forms of action dealing with them. The target group included 100 children who frequented the Pygmalion and Open House day centres in Bucharest. On the basis of this sample it was possible to establish the main problems of the street children: reasons for appearance, age on the street, origin, family size, attitude towards parents, reasons for street life, consumption of toxic substances, reasons for detention by the police, main health problems, needs and wishes. The work in Bucharest was supplemented by visits elsewhere in Romania and abroad which provided a breadth of understanding and knowledge of the specific profile of street children, of the complexity of their problems and of their prospects. A comparison of the causes of the phenomenon, and study of some projects and intervention programmes both from Romania and abroad provided the basis for a proposed strategy for combatting the problem. The practical activities on the project included continuing counselling and informative and education activities with the children in order to motivate them to change their life. Further mediation was aimed at changing the hostile approach of the public opinion and some people in authority towards these children. The experiments with schooling and professional resocialisation of the street children provided clear evidence of the possibility of reintroducing them into the social framework but this will require systems and mechanisms specially developed to achieve this.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 687 - "Experimental Movie Project", "The Police and Minority Groups" u.a. (p. IX 150.1-17 - IX 152.1-2)

"Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46):; 1. "Below the Surface", Drehbuch des Testfilms, a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 46 Blatt, b) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, c) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, d) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Memoranden zum Test; 2. 'Notes' 25.4.1946, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 3. "Memorandum on Experimental Movie Project", 19.4.1946. Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 4. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface" (Juli 1945). Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 5. Dore Schary und Allen Rivkin: 'Memorandum, Subject: New Suggested Treatment for 'Below the Surface'", 13.7.1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 6. Hans Richter: "Report about the film script 'Below the surface'", 7. u. 8.7.1945, a) Typoskript, 1 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 7. Hans Richter: Bestätigung der Vereinbarung mit dem American Jewish Committee, 3.7.1945. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 8. "Notes and Suggestions re Experimental Motion Picture", Juni 1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 9. Siegfried Kracauer; "Suggestions for the Dialogue" (4.4.1945). Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 10. "Motion Picture", März 1945. Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 11. "Project on a Test film", a) Typoskript, 4 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 12. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface'", a) Typoskript, 3 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Theodor W. Adorno, 3 Blatt; "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Korrespondenz zum Test-Film-Projekt:; 13. Friedrich Pollock: 1 Brief an Max Horkheimer, Santa Monica, California, 12.10.1945; 14. Theodor W. Adorno: 2 Briefe an Max Horkheimer, Los Angeles und Santa Monica, California, 1945; 15. Joseph M. Proskauer: 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer, o.O., 29.6.1945, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, o.O., o.D., 3 Blatt; 16. Alexander Hackenschmied, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, New York, 19.6.1945, 1 Blatt; 17. Gilbert Gabriel: 1 Brief von John Slawson, o.O., 22.3.1945, 2 Blatt; "The Police and Minority Groups" (1946):; 1. "The Police and Minority Groups". Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Robert W. Kenny: "Police and Minority Groups - an Experiment". Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 17 Blatt; 3. Davis McEntire, Robert B. Powers: "Police Training Bulletin. A Guide to Race Relations for Police Officers", State of California, 1946, 38 Seiten; Max Horkheimer: "Memorandum on a Study of Race Hatred in Post-War Germany" (1946):; 1. Memorandum, a) Typoskript, 8 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 6 Blatt, c) Typoskript, 5 Blatt, d) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt e) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt, f) Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt, g) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt, h) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen, 1 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Theodor W. Adorno: "Ad Memorandum Neumann", Manuskript, 3 Blatt;

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

The Effect of the Farmer Assurance Provision of the Consolidated and Continuing Appropriations Act, 2013 on Biodiversity and Global Food Security

A rider to a US law, the Consolidated and Continuing Appropriations Act, 2013, known as the Farmer Assurance Provision, encourages the large-scale genetic modification and global distribution of agricultural crops, thereby undermining the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations' determination that food security rests on biodiversity. The rider blocks the US Department of Agriculture's mandate to prohibit farmers from growing crops from biotechnological seeds where the courts have found that this farm practice may cause damage to human health and/or degrade the environment. Despite genetically modified organisms (GMOs) reducing unwanted traits in plants, the paper supports the UN's mission for biodiversity and that more long-term testing was (and is) needed for GMO products, developed from 1994 on, before a hasty piece of Congressional legislation as was made in this case.

The social evil in Chicago: a study of existing conditions with recommendations by the Vice Commission of Chicago, a municipal body appointed by the Mayor and the City Council of the City of Chicago, and submitted as its report to the Mayor and City Council of Chicago

Preface -- Outline of study -- Resolution of appreciation -- Introduction and summary -- Proposed ordinance -- Recommendations -- Existing conditions in Chicago -- The social evil and the saloon -- The social evil and the police -- Sources of supply -- Child protection and education -- Rescue and reform -- The social evil and its medical aspects -- Appendices: Text of revised statutes of Illinois and ordinances of the City of Chicago ; Tables ; Exhibits.

The New EU Foreign Policy Architecture: Reviewing the first two years of the EEAS. CEPS Paperbacks. February 2013

This CEPS book examines two interrelated questions: 1) How has the European External Action Service (EEAS) functioned in the EU institutional architecture in the first two years of its existence? 2) What improvements can be made through the 2013 review and the 2014 revision of the EEAS’ mandate? The study contributes to the current debate through an in-depth examination of the EEAS’ relations with the EU member states, the European Commission, the European Parliament and its Delegations. The analysis is complemented by in-depth interviews conducted with senior officials from the relevant institutions. The authors put forward specific recommendations, organised around three basic roles that the EEAS plays in the EU’s external relations: a) leader, b) coordinator and c) information hub.

The Political and Judicial Life of Metadata: Digital Rights Ireland and the Trail of the Data Retention Directive. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security No. 65, May 2014

This paper examines the challenges facing the EU regarding data retention, particularly in the aftermath of the judgment Digital Rights Ireland by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) of April 2014, which found the Data Retention Directive 2002/58 to be invalid. It first offers a brief historical account of the Data Retention Directive and then moves to a detailed assessment of what the judgment means for determining the lawfulness of data retention from the perspective of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights: what is wrong with the Data Retention Directive and how would it need to be changed to comply with the right to respect for privacy? The paper also looks at the responses to the judgment from the European institutions and elsewhere, and presents a set of policy suggestions to the European institutions on the way forward. It is argued here that one of the main issues underlying the Digital Rights Ireland judgment has been the role of fundamental rights in the EU legal order, and in particular the extent to which the retention of metadata for law enforcement purposes is consistent with EU citizens’ right to respect for privacy and to data protection. The paper offers three main recommendations to EU policy-makers: first, to give priority to a full and independent evaluation of the value of the data retention directive; second, to assess the judgment’s implications for other large EU information systems and proposals that provide for the mass collection of metadata from innocent persons, in the EU; and third, to adopt without delay the proposal for Directive COM(2012)10 dealing with data protection in the fields of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters.

The Emergence of a Network of ‘European Embassies’: Increasing Cooperation between EU Delegations and Member State Diplomatic Missions. EU Diplomacy Paper No. 10, December 2014

Five years after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon and at the end of the first mandate of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP), this analysis provides an in-depth view of the on-going institutional socialisation between Member State Embassies and EU Delegations. Specifically, it focuses on the Member States’ perceptions of the role of EU Delegations. These perceptions can back up or restrain the EU Delegations in fulfilling their mandate. More precisely, the paper examines to what extent the socialisation between EU Delegations and EU Member State Embassies helps the Delegations to fulfil their mandate in bilateral diplomacy. It argues that EU Delegations are still under dynamic processes of institutional socialisation with the Member States’ Embassies which increasingly accept and expect EU Delegations’ actions. The post-Lisbon context of EU Diplomacy is consolidating a primus inter pares role of Delegations being central hubs coordinating and implementing EU policies on the spot.