Rising oil prices, executive branch policy, and U.S. security implications : hearing before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Sixth Congress, second session, March 24, 2000.

Shipping list no.: 2000-0331-P (pt. [1]), 2001-0033-P (pt. 2).

Promotion of high-growth industries and U.S. competitiveness : hearings before the Subcommittee on Savings, Pensions, and Investment Policy of the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, Ninety-eighth Congress, first session, January 19 and 20, 1983.

Item 1038-A, 1038-B (microfiche).

U.S. exports of merchandise and U.S. imports of merchandise on CD-ROM.

Mode of access: Internet.

The GATT negotiations and U.S. trade policy.

Mode of access: Internet.

Sexual Minority Rights as Human Rights: Mapping the Evolution of LGBT Norms in Swedish and U.S. Foreign Policy

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

R. A. Sheldon, I. Arends and U. Hanefeld. Green chemistry and catalysis. Wiley-VCH, 2007, 448 pp; ISBN 978-3-527-30715-9 (Hardcover)

Book review

The effects of the fungicides fenhexamid and myclobutanil on SH-SY5Y and U-251 MG human cell lines

Mixtures of pesticides in foodstuffs and the environment are ubiquitous in the developed world and although agents are usually exhaustively tested individually, the toxicological implications of pesticide mixtures are underreported. In this study, the effects of two fungicides, fenhexamid and myclobutanil were investigated individually and in combination on two human cell lines, SH-SY5Y neuronal cells and U-251 MG glial cells. After 48. h of incubation with increasing concentrations of pesticides ranging from 1 to 1000. μM, gene expression profiles were studied in addition to toxicity end points, including cell viability, mitochondrial depolarisation as well as cellular glutathione maintenance. There were no significant differences between the susceptibility of the two cell lines in terms of cell viability assessment or mitochondrial membrane potential, when agents were administered either individually or in combination. By contrast, in the presence of the fungicides, the SH-SY5Y cells showed significantly greater susceptibility to oxidative stress in terms of total thiol depletion in comparison with the astrocytic cells. Treatment with the two pesticides led to significant changes in the cell lines' expression of several genes which regulate cell cycle control and growth (RB1, TIMP1) as well as responses to DNA attrition (ATM and CDA25A) and control of apoptosis (FAS). There was no evidence in this study that the combination of fenhexamid and myclobutanil was significantly more toxic than individual exposure, although gene expression changes suggested there may be differences in the sub-lethal response of both cell lines to both individual and combined exposure.

Framing infectious diseases and U.S. public opinion

The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.

Organized labor and U.S. foreign policy: The Solidarity Center in historical context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

A Multi-Criteria Decision-Making Approach to Compare and Contrast the Websites of China-based and U.S-based Hotels

The improvement in living standards and the development of telecommunications have led to a large increase in the number of Internet users in China. It has been reported by China National Network Information Center that the number of Internet users in China has reached 33.7 million in 2001, ranting the country third in the world. This figure also shows that more and more Chinese residents have accepted the Internet and use it to obtain information and compete their travel planning. Milne and Ateljevic stated that the integration of computing and telecommunications would create a global information network based mostly on the Internet. The Internet, especially the World Wide Web, has had a great impact on the hospitality and tourism industry in recent years. The WWW plays an important role in mediating between customers and hotel companies as a place to acquire information acquisition and transact business.

Indigenous Movements, Democracy, and U.S. Interests in Latin America

Indigenous movements have become increasingly powerful in the last couple of decades and they are now important political actors in some South American countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and, to a lesser extent, Peru and Chile. The rise of indigenous movements has provoked concern among U.S. policymakers and other observers who have feared that these movements will exacerbate ethnic polarization, undermine democracy, and jeopardize U.S. interests in the region. This paper argues that concern over the rise of indigenous movements is greatly exaggerated. It maintains that the rise of indigenous movements has not brought about a market increase in ethnic polarization in the region because most indigenous organizations have been ethnically inclusive and have eschewed violence. Although the indigenous movements have at times demonstrated a lack of regard for democratic institutions and procedures, they have also helped deepen democracy in the Andean region by promoting greater political inclusion and participation and by aggressively combating ethnic discrimination and inequality. Finally, this study suggests that the indigenous population has opposed some U.S. –sponsored initiatives, such as coca eradication and market reform, for legitimate reasons. Such policies have had some negative environmental, cultural, and economic consequences for indigenous people, which U.S. policymakers should try to address. The conclusion provides some specific policy recommendations on how to go about this.