969 resultados para Laurier, Wilfrid, Sir, 1841-1919.


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It is often maintained that the Prohibition Act (in force from 1 June 1919 to 5 April 1932) still influences both the Finnish alcohol policy and notions about alcohol. This study focuses on the development of women s opinions concerning Prohibition in Finland. What role did the formulation and expression of women s opinions and women's actions play in the final outcome of the Prohibition Act? What do the debate on Prohibition and women s activities for and against the legislation tell us about the status and possibilities of women to exert influence in the Finnish society of the Prohibition era? Women s opinions are particularly interesting since they deviated radically from what has generally been assumed. It was expected that the referendum of 1931 would result in a resounding vote of 100% in favour of Prohibition, but the outcome was a majority vote against it. Over 65% of the women who cast their vote in the referendum wanted a full repeal of Prohibition. The study approaches the history of Prohibition by combining methods and theories of the history of mentalities and social history with gender history. Women are examined as a heterogeneous group with dissimilar objectives and differing ways of acting and thinking. The research material consists of press materials, archival materials from organisations, personal materials and statistics from the Prohibition period. Both discourses and practices are examined; the object of the research is best described by Michel Foucault's concept of dispositif. When participating in the public debate on Prohibition, women based their right to express their opinions and take part in action on an ideological continuum spanning a hundred years, according to which home and family were central areas of women s interest. This idea was linked to questions of morality and social policy. On the other hand, women presented themselves as working taxpayers, voters and equal citizens. The most crucial issue in women's discussions was whether Prohibition improved or worsened the temperance of fathers, husbands and sons. The dichotomies town dweller - countryside dweller, Swedish-speaking Finnish-speaking, and middle class - working class were highly significant backgrounds both as factors dividing women and in public discussions regarding Prohibition. The 1931 referendum showed that the lines of demarcation drawn during the preceding debate did not materialise in political action in line with these dichotomies: the dispositif did not correspond to the discourse. Contrary to what was expressed in public, a great number of women among the labour and rural classes, among inland inhabitants and among Finnish-speakers were also against Prohibition. The media and organisations defended temperance and Prohibition almost until the end of the Prohibition era. This discourse was in conflict with the discourse of everyday conversations and practices in which alcohol was present.

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We analyze the performance of an SIR based admission control strategy in cellular CDMA systems with both voice and data traffic. Most studies In the current literature to estimate CDMA system capacity with both voice and data traf-Bc do not take signal-tlFlnterference ratio (SIR) based admission control into account In this paper, we present an analytical approach to evaluate the outage probability for voice trafllc, the average system throughput and the mean delay for data traffic for a volce/data CDMA system which employs an SIR based admission controL We show that for a dataaniy system, an improvement of about 25% In both the Erlang capacity as well as the mean delay performance is achieved with an SIR based admission control as compared to code availability based admission control. For a mixed voice/data srtem with 10 Erlangs of voice traffic, the Lmprovement in the mean delay performance for data Is about 40%.Ah, for a mean delay of 50 ms with 10 Erlangs voice traffic, the data Erlang capacity improves by about 9%.

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Information spreading in a population can be modeled as an epidemic. Campaigners (e.g., election campaign managers, companies marketing products or movies) are interested in spreading a message by a given deadline, using limited resources. In this paper, we formulate the above situation as an optimal control problem and the solution (using Pontryagin's Maximum Principle) prescribes an optimal resource allocation over the time of the campaign. We consider two different scenarios-in the first, the campaigner can adjust a direct control (over time) which allows her to recruit individuals from the population (at some cost) to act as spreaders for the Susceptible-Infected-Susceptible (SIS) epidemic model. In the second case, we allow the campaigner to adjust the effective spreading rate by incentivizing the infected in the Susceptible-Infected-Recovered (SIR) model, in addition to the direct recruitment. We consider time varying information spreading rate in our formulation to model the changing interest level of individuals in the campaign, as the deadline is reached. In both the cases, we show the existence of a solution and its uniqueness for sufficiently small campaign deadlines. For the fixed spreading rate, we show the effectiveness of the optimal control strategy against the constant control strategy, a heuristic control strategy and no control. We show the sensitivity of the optimal control to the spreading rate profile when it is time varying. (C) 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Two new Ru(II)-complexes RuH(Tpms)(PPh3)(2)] 1 (Tpms - (C3H3N2)(3)CSO3, tris-(pyrazolyl) methane sulfonate) and Ru(OTf)(Tpms)(PPh3)(2)] 2 (OTf = CF3SO3) have been synthesized and characterized wherein Ru-H and Ru-OTf are the key reactive centers. Reaction of 1 with HOTf results in the Ru(eta(2)-H-2)(Tpms)(PPh3)(2)]OTf] complex 3, whereas reaction of 1 with Me3SiOTf affords the dihydrogen complex 3 and complex 1 through an unobserved sigma-silane intermediate. In addition, an attempt to characterize the sigma methane complex via reaction of complex 1 with CH3OTf yields complex 2 and free methane. On the other hand, reaction of Ru(OTf)(Tpms)(PPh3)(2)] 2 with H-2 and PhMe2SiH at low temperature resulted in sigma-H-2, 3 and a probable sigma-silane complexes, respectively. However, no sigma-methane complex was observed for the reaction of complex 2 with methane even at low temperature. (C) 2014 Elsevier B. V. All rights reserved.

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Resumen: El artículo trata sobre la formación de una fracción de la elite dirigente porteña en el paso del siglo xix al xx. La carrera de derecho siempre estuvo ligada al poder político y a la formación de la clase dirigente porteña. A través de los discursos de colación de grados de los doctores en jurisprudencia se busca indagar en los aspectos que los propios actores rescataban de su formación académica y su función social. Esta mirada tiene como objetivo destacar el rol de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires como canal de acceso privilegiado a la clase dirigente. Al tiempo se intenta observar como la preparación brindada en sus aulas no buscaba necesariamente la formación para el desempeño de la profesión de abogados sino que estaba orientada a la formación de dirigentes políticos.

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Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Legislativo

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Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Legislativo

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This paper tries to develop more generally some fundamental bases for the ecological study of freshwater plankton. A special attention is given to the phytoplankton associations which can be separated out and made into groups according to their dependence upon changing environments. Plankton formations in different types of water bodies (ponds, lakes and rivers) are studied.

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Background: The impact of socio-demographic factors and baseline health on the mortality burden of seasonal and pandemic influenza remains debated. Here we analyzed the spatial-temporal mortality patterns of the 1918 influenza pandemic in Spain, one of the countries of Europe that experienced the highest mortality burden. Methods: We analyzed monthly death rates from respiratory diseases and all-causes across 49 provinces of Spain, including the Canary and Balearic Islands, during the period January-1915 to June-1919. We estimated the influenza-related excess death rates and risk of death relative to baseline mortality by pandemic wave and province. We then explored the association between pandemic excess mortality rates and health and socio-demographic factors, which included population size and age structure, population density, infant mortality rates, baseline death rates, and urbanization. Results: Our analysis revealed high geographic heterogeneity in pandemic mortality impact. We identified 3 pandemic waves of varying timing and intensity covering the period from Jan-1918 to Jun-1919, with the highest pandemic-related excess mortality rates occurring during the months of October-November 1918 across all Spanish provinces. Cumulative excess mortality rates followed a south-north gradient after controlling for demographic factors, with the North experiencing highest excess mortality rates. A model that included latitude, population density, and the proportion of children living in provinces explained about 40% of the geographic variability in cumulative excess death rates during 1918-19, but different factors explained mortality variation in each wave. Conclusions: A substantial fraction of the variability in excess mortality rates across Spanish provinces remained unexplained, which suggests that other unidentified factors such as comorbidities, climate and background immunity may have affected the 1918-19 pandemic mortality rates. Further archeo-epidemiological research should concentrate on identifying settings with combined availability of local historical mortality records and information on the prevalence of underlying risk factors, or patient-level clinical data, to further clarify the drivers of 1918 pandemic influenza mortality.

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Esta dissertação procura compreender a atuação e o discurso da Liga Brasileira pelos Aliados, associação fundada com o propósito de apoiar a campanha dos Aliados na Primeira Guerra Mundial. Pretende-se analisar sua estrutura de funcionamento e formas de atuação para promover a campanha daquele bloco de combatentes ao longo do conflito europeu. Através dos boletins, artigos e moções publicados na imprensa carioca, observa-se a elaboração de um discurso com o intuito não apenas de persuadir a opinião pública brasileira a favor dos Aliados, mas de estabelecer uma representação da nação brasileira na Primeira República.

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O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes.

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Charles Henry Gilbert (1859-1928) was a pioneering ichthyologist who made major contributions to the study of fishes of the American West. As chairman of the Department ofZoology at Leland Stanford Junior University in Palo Alto, Calif., during 1891-1925, Gilbert was extremely devoted to his work and showed little patience with those ofa different mindset. While serving as Naturalist-in-Charge of the U.S. Fish Commission Steamer Albatross during her exploratory expedition to the Hawaiian Islands in 1902, Gilbert engaged in an acrimonious feud with the ship's captain, Chauncey Thomas, Jr. (1850-1919), U.S.N., over what Gilbert perceived to be an inadequate effort by the captain. This essay focuses on the conflict between two strong figures, each operatingf rom different world views, and each vying for authority. Despite the difficulties these two men faced, the voyage of the Albatross in 1902 must be considered a success, as reflected by the extensive biological samples collected, the many new species of animals discovered, and the resulting publication of important scientific papers.

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A Escola Moderna n.1 (São Paulo), sob a direção do professor libertário João Penteado, ofereceu uma alternativa de formação para os filhos da classe trabalhadora, inspirando-se na Pedagogia Libertária que, desde os primeiros debates da Internacional dos Trabalhadores até as experiências educacionais de Paul Robin, inseriu a luta de classes no espaço da escola. Assim, promoveu a interface entre educação e revolução social com base nos conceitos de Demopedia e Instrução Integral, desenvolvidos respectivamente por Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e Mikhail Bakunin. O presente estudo pretende desvelar como o espaço da Escola Moderna se converteu em ação revolucionária dos sindicatos operários, colaborando para os objetivos dos anarquistas que elegeram o sindicalismo revolucionário como a tática mais adequada para o estabelecimento da sociedade livre com a qual sonharam. Deste modo, entre os anos de 1912 a 1919, quando foi sumariamente fechada pelo Departamento de Instrução Pública do Estado, a Escola Moderna promoveu a ação direta e o mutualismo entre seus estudantes, tanto para que contribuíssem com o futuro da classe trabalhadora, de acordo com suas necessidades e conforme suas condições, como também para que os organismos de classe ultrapassassem as lutas mais imediatas.