929 resultados para International Human rights Law


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O tema da dissertação é o direito humano de acesso à internet. O primeiro capítulo busca afirmar a existência desse direito e seu caráter essencial. Para isso, são apresentados fundamentos de quatro espécies. O primeiro é de direito internacional dos direitos humanos e baseia-se na análise de três documentos da Organização das Nações Unidas. O segundo é material e procura demonstrar que a internet tornou-se um instrumento indispensável à realização de diversos deveres e direitos, muitos deles humanos. Dessa forma, o acesso deve ser considerado um direito em si, dotado do mesmo status jurídico dos direitos dele dependentes. O terceiro fundamento é filosófico. Ressalta-se o aspecto comunitário da internet e demonstra-se que há um cidadão virtual que é titular de direitos e deveres na rede. Nesse momento, com base na lição de Hannah Arendt, é afirmado que se há uma dimensão digital da cidadania, deve haver um direito a adquiri-la, o que se dá pelo direito de acesso à internet. O quarto fundamento é positivo e direciona-se especificamente ao reconhecimento de um direito fundamental de acesso à internet na ordem constitucional brasileira, decorrente e não escrito. Após, é feito um estudo de direito comparado, analisando-se como a questão tem sido tratada pela lei e pela jurisprudência de diversos países. Ao final do primeiro capítulo, são apresentadas e refutadas as objeções mais comuns ao reconhecimento do direito humano de acesso à internet, incluindo a questão dos custos do direito. Afirmada a existência do direito, o segundo capítulo analisa seu conteúdo e seus limites jurídicos. Inicialmente, o direito é subdividido em uma dimensão de acesso à infraestrutura física e uma dimensão de acesso ao conteúdo. São apresentadas as principais políticas públicas brasileiras que visam a concretizar ambas as dimensões. Em um segundo momento, são estudadas hipóteses de violação do direito. Uma hipótese de lesão é a ausência do serviço em certas localidades. Outra hipótese é a censura virtual, que é dividida em função do método utilizado, se pelo hardware ou pelo software, e em função do agente que a realiza, se estatal ou privado. É analisada a constitucionalidade de penas de desconexão, perpétuas ou temporárias, e de medidas de interrupção total do serviço, em conjunto com a Lei 12.737/2012. São apresentados requisitos para que as filtragens de conteúdo na rede sejam lícitas. Coteja-se o estudado com o Projeto de Lei 2.126/2011, o chamado marco civil da internet. Por fim, é estudada a exigibilidade do direito com relação às duas dimensões.

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The idea of participation is becoming increasingly important in international human rights law and recent political and constitutional theory. There is an emerging international law right of minorities to participate in public life. There are many problems though with putting this right into practice. It is not enough to offer formal opportunities for representation or even to facilitate more participatory processes. This article explores how participation is more easily proclaimed than practised by examining the position of one ethnic minority, Travellers, in a liberal democracy, Ireland. While there are many formal opportunities for participation, these do not necessarily result in effective participation on a basis of equality, and may still result in decisions which fail to consider the Traveller culture and identity. Travellers still suffer from an imbalance of power in these arrangements. There are hopeful avenues to pursue in improving participation, the role of civil society and the use of a dialogue between non-governmental organisations and international organisations to put pressure on a national government, including special representation to offset the disadvantages of traditional representative democracy and emphasising the role of special parliamentary bodies; and the need to address the politics of recognition so as to strengthen the hand of disadvantaged groups such as Travellers.

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This article examines the Council of Europe’s recent Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women. The focus of this paper is on the specific issue of domestic violence. The article seeks to place the Convention in the context of other developments as regards the analysis of domestic violence as a human rights issue.

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The suppression of drug consumption and trade is high on the Government of Vietnam’s agenda. To accomplish this goal, Vietnam employs repressive policies that often contravene international human rights law. Among the most detrimental and problematic policies are the incarceration of drug users in compulsory treatment centers, and the stigmatization and abuse of consumers by the police. That said, Vietnamese drug policy is slowly changing in the face of one of Asia’s worst ongoing HIV epidemics. While the Communist Government of the early-1990s designated illicit drugs as a “social evil” to be eradicated through punitive and often repressive means, the recent implementation of harm reduction approaches have reduced the level of needle sharing, and thus HIV transmission. This briefing will explore the current trends in drug consumption, production, and trafficking before looking at the key harms and threats associated with drugs in Vietnam. This will be followed by a summary of Vietnam’s drug policies, including the country’s approach to drug treatment, harm reduction, and illicit opium suppression—Vietnam is one of a small number of states to have suppressed illicit opium production, an intervention that centred upon coercive negotiations with limited alternative development. The briefing will conclude with some tentative recommendations for reform and thoughts on what could be expected from Vietnam during the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS 2016).

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Thèse de doctorat réalisée en cotutelle avec la Faculté de droit de l'Université Aix-Marseille 3.

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En Argentine, la mise en place des lois internationales sur les droits humains dans les tribunaux locaux et son impact ne peuvent être séparés de l’histoire récente, qui a vu commettre des crimes massifs pendant la dictature de 1976 à 1983. En 1987, la Cour suprême a voté « la loi de l’Obéissance due » aussi appelée « loi de l’impunité ». Puis, en 2005, cette loi a été déclarée invalide par une nouvelle décision de la Cour suprême, car contraire à celles sur les droits humains. Les principes de la loi internationale ont prévalu pour permettre une justice efficace, ce changement soulignant le rôle de la société civile. Étant donné les réclamations grandissantes pour plus de justice dans la société argentine, le rôle de la société civile est essentiel pour comprendre la transformation et l’accroissement de la valeur normative des lois sur les droits humains dans les Cours suprêmes argentines. L’action de la société civile internationale est liée aux processus sud-américains de démocratisation, surtout dans le domaine des droits humains. La lutte contre l’impunité n’a été rendue publique que très récemment, soit seulement à partir de 2003. Elle se traduit aujourd’hui dans le rôle grandissant de l’expertise juridique et éthique dans la mise en place des politiques publiques. En fait, l’influence de la nouvelle stratégie dépend largement de la transparence des administrations bureaucratiques, des valeurs et de la volonté politique du gouvernement. Le changement légal peut être analysé selon l’acteur à l’origine du changement, le mécanisme par lequel le changement se fait et le contexte qui fournit l’opportunité pour ce changement. Dans le présent article, nous nous concentrons sur les stratégies argumentatives présentées par les juges dans la description des évènements entourant la décision de 2005. Le but de cet article est d’essayer de lier les stratégies des sociétés civiles avec l’argumentation légale dans la décision de 2005. Ces stratégies poussent à surmonter l’obstacle juridique : le fait que les crimes contre l’humanité n’étaient pas codifiés dans la loi nationale quand ils se sont déroulés (et ne le sont toujours pas.)

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Malgré une demande croissante dans le secteur du travail domestique et un poids économique mondial considérable, les travailleuses domestiques migrantes demeurent parmi les plus précaires et les plus exploitées de la planète. Invisibles, isolées et travaillant pour des particuliers dans des résidences privées, elles échappent aux catégories traditionnelles d’emploi. Ces travailleuses se retrouvent alors à évoluer en marge du cadre légal ou encore, elles peinent à faire appliquer correctement les lois conçues pour les protéger. Ce mémoire cherche donc à analyser les manières d’envisager le droit afin de garantir un réel accès à la justice pour les travailleuses domestiques migrantes. En abordant d’abord les obstacles systémiques qui font échec à la réglementation du secteur domestique à travers le monde, cette recherche démontre une inadéquation du droit traditionnel à la réalité des travailleuses par l’analyse des effets de la réglementation canadienne qui leur est applicable. À la lumière de la récente Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques, ce mémoire démontre qu’une conceptualisation du droit basée sur le pluralisme juridique fournit des alternatives aux travailleuses domestiques migrantes pour accéder à la justice. Ultimement, l’empowerment de ces travailleuses par leur inclusion dans le dialogue social couplé à une réglementation adaptée à leur réalité permettra d’assurer une protection efficace de leurs droits.

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La idea de la voluntad del pueblo como expresión de la soberanía es propia de la teoríapolítica que busca explicar el origen del Estado moderno liberal. La compatibilidad entre lalibertad individual de sujetos considerados iguales y el ejercicio del poder político requierepensar a los ciudadanos como sujetos libres, y esto se logra cuando el poder que se ejercesobre ellos se concibe como un poder que nace solo de los propios ciudadanos. En laconcepción individualista de la democracia, los derechos de los individuos son anteriores ytienen primacía sobre la pertenencia a la sociedad. Sin embargo, no es necesario asumir estaconcepción para defender esa primacía. Se la puede defender solo respecto de las decisionesde la sociedad. Desde esta posición, es posible concebir el conflicto entre soberanía populary derechos humanos. La transición política uruguaya ejemplifica esa posibilidad. A través de un referéndum y un plebiscito convocados por la propia sociedad, la mayoría avaló laLey de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado, que impide los juicios por los gravescrímenes cometidos durante la dictadura. La Corte idh declaró, en el 2011, que esa decisiónpopular violaba la cadh y que la soberanía popular está sujeta a los límites que le imponenlos derechos humanos. Los análisis de esta decisión se han centrado en la obligación del Estadode acatarla, pero no en lo que ella significa para la comprensión contemporánea de lademocracia. Eso es lo que pretendo hacer en este artículo, a través de dos tesis: el conflictose mantiene si el concepto de democracia es un concepto procedimental; y la Corte idhofrece un concepto que abre un camino a la solución del conflicto.

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Teniendo en cuenta tres casos dentro del contexto del conflicto armado donde la jurisdicción penal colombiana estudia la admisión o exclusión de medios probatorios producidos a partir de injerencias de comunicaciones, encontramos que no siempre se aplica la regla de exclusión cuando no cuentan con una orden judicial previa. Ante este problema, buscamos como se ha solucionado, teniendo como referente la el Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Lo anterior nos da base para entender la regla de exclusión de que se ha venido desarrollando dentro del Derecho Internacional Penal. Si bien estas reglas nos sirven para solucionar estos tres casos, terminan siendo contradictorios a lo que ha venido desarrollando la Corte Constitucional. De esta manera, si bien esta Corte consideró que la regla de Estatuto de Roma, va en concordancia con la nuestra regla de exclusión nacional, tal afirmación es errónea.

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We study a particular restitution problem where there is an indivisible good (land or property) over which two agents have rights: the dispossessed agent and the owner. A third party, possibly the government, seeks to resolve the situation by assigning rights to one and compensate the other. There is also a maximum amount of money available for the compensation. We characterize a family of asymmetrically fair rules that are immune to strategic behavior, guarantee minimal welfare levels for the agents, and satisfy the budget constraint.

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Uno de los eventos jurídicos más importantes del siglo XX, sin duda, ha sido la consolidación del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Instrumentos internacionales y mecanismos de protección se han puesto en funcionamiento y afianzado, tanto a nivel global como regional. No obstante, en muchos casos, este desarrollo de principios, normas y órganos de protección a nivel internacional no se ha reflejado en iguales progresos en ámbito nacional. Lo cual permite todavía afirmar que si bien la universalización de los derechos ha sido una etapa sustancial para la consolidación de la protección de los derechos humanos el desafío sigue siendo el hacerlos efectivos. El artículo lleva a cabo un examen de la jurisprudencia de los países de la región que permite llegar a la consideración que se están produciendo importantes avances en este terreno y cada vez más los altos tribunales de varios países de la región utilizan como parámetro de interpretación la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana para resolver cuestiones internas y concluir que en Latinoamérica, gracias a la influencia integradora de la Convención Americana y de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana con la jurisprudencia nacional, se está lentamente consolidado lo que podría ser definido como un estándar mínimo común en materia de protección de los derechos humanos. Un núcleo fundamental o esencial de derechos que poco a poco se va imponiendo en los países miembros dando origen a un nuevo ius commune para Latinoamérica.

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The responsibility to record civilian casualties in both armed conflict and civil disturbances must be an integral element of the responsibility to protect, particularly in the application of the just cause principles. The first part of this article examines the threshold issue of the possibility of large-scale civilian casualties which triggers the international community’s responsibility to react. The reports recommending the responsibility to protect emphasise the need to establish the actuality or risk of ‘large scale’ loss of life which is not possible in the current context without a civilian casualty recording structure. The second part of the article outlines the international legal obligation to record civilian casualties based on international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Thirdly, the responsibility to protect and the legal obligation to record casualties are brought together within the framework of Ban Ki-moon’s reports on implementation of the Responsibility to Protect. The fourth and final part of the article reviews the situations in Sri Lanka and Syria. Both states represent egregious examples of governments hiding the existence of casualties, resulting in paralysis within the international community. These situations establish, beyond doubt, that the national obligation to record civilian casualties must be part and parcel of the responsibility to protect.

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This article discusses the international legal obligation to identify and record every casualty of armed conflict that finds its basis in the treaties and customs of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The article applies the various facets of the legal obligation to the armed conflicts in Iraq and Sri Lanka and argues that the parties in these conflicts failed in their international legal responsibility to civilians.

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The Copenhagen Principles on the Handling of Detainees in International Military Operations were released in October 2012 after a five-year long process involving states and certain organizations. The Principles address a number of issues concerning the handling and transfer of detainees. They apply in military operations conducted by states abroad in the context of non-international armed conflicts and peace operations. This article focuses on those principles that address the procedural regulation of internment (ie preventive, security detention), as it is here that the current law is particularly unclear. On the one hand, the treaty provisions applicable in non-international armed conflicts contain no rules on the procedural regulation of internment, in comparison with the law of international armed conflict. On the other hand, the relevant rules under international human rights law (IHRL) appear derogable in such situations. This article demonstrates that the approach taken to this issue in the Copenhagen Principles is one which essentially draws on the procedural rules applicable to civilian internment in the international armed conflicts. These rules adopt standards that are lower than those under IHRL. Reference is then made to other recent practice, which illustrates that the Copenhagen Principles do not apply in a legal vacuum. In particular, two recent judicial developments highlight the continued relevance of human rights law and domestic law, respectively, in regulating detention operations in the context of international military operations. Compliance with the Copenhagen Principles may not, therefore, be sufficient for detention to be lawful.

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Over recent years, there has been a growing perception among civil society in the developed world that multinational corporations are engaged in socially and environmentally exploitative practices that they would never get away with, or even attempt, in their home countries. Whether right or wrong, that perception and its political and economic ramifications have driven a global movement for more responsible corporate behavior. As part of that global movement, three common law jurisdictions—the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom—have seen legislation introduced to enforce standards of practice for multinational corporations based in those countries in respect of their overseas activities. None of those Bills has yet passed into law, but they are worthy of analysis as attempts to transform hitherto amorphous concepts like 'corporate social responsibility' into concrete legislation. This article compares and critically analyses the three Bills, making recommendations as to how they could be improved, with particular emphasis on the need to forge stronger links between the legislative provisions and international human rights law.