878 resultados para Homicídios. Ação social. Estilo de pensamento. Mapas sociais ementais


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Andrés Hernandez é professor da Universidade Los Andes, Colômbia. Seus interesses de pesquisa são accountability social, prestação de contas, movimentos sociais e governança ambiental. Ele esteve no Brasil em agosto de 2013 para participar do I Colóquio Internacional em Estudos Organizacionais. Nesta entrevista, Hernandez fala sobre transparência, accountability e prestação de contas.

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Tendo como base os conceitos de espaço, lugar, ambiente e imagem, sob as vertentes da Arquitetura e Urbanismo, Geografia e Psicologia Ambiental, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo averiguar a percepção de estudantes da Escola Agrícola de Jundiaí (EAJ UFRN) a fim de identificar aspectos das interrelações pessoa-ambiente que diferenciam tal escola de outras instituições. A coleta de dados utilizou multimétodos e investigou um grupo de alunos residentes na Escola que cursavam o ensino médio e técnico em agropecuária em 2006, analisando seus discursos, comportamentos e atitudes de modo a identificar os principais elementos da imagem sócio-ambiental da EAJ. Os resultados apontaram locais, práticas sociais e símbolos representativos da instituição, indicando espaços (construídos e naturais) adequados/inadequados às necessidades/expectativas dos estudantes incluindo a ampliação da interdisciplinaridade no conjunto de suas atividades. Além disso, a fim de incrementar a análise sócio-ambiental em instituições que promovem experiências exitosas, recomenda-se que os aspectos cotidiano e tempo sejam mais profundamente investigados em estudos futuros na área

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This work aims to study the associations as mediating the process of social change and its importance for local development. The hypothesis is that associations, but bring dynamism to the smaller cities and improve the living conditions of their members, relegated to the background social sustainability, understood this as a permanent exercise of mobilization and participation in community life. The assumptions of the study are that the practice group has influenced the processes of local development in Brazilian rural municipalities through the mediation of government programs and projects aimed at combating rural poverty require social organization for their achievement. The concept of local development in this work was rescued from studies of political economy and sociology. But the concepts of collective action and partnerships advêem studies of political participation and social development of the theory of alternative or solidarity. The party consisted of an empirical case study conducted with four associations of farmers in the municipality of Portalegre-RN. Why choose qualitative study was used the technique of semi-structured interviews with the chairmen I members of associations and other actors considered essential to understanding the study (religious leaders, local political power and chairman of the union of rural workers), a total of 20 interviews, in addition to the observations of field and documentary research in records of the.ir own organizations. The survey results show that the performance of groups of farmers are key components and determinants for the production I marketing of agricultural products and for boosting the economy, as well as security for minimum levels of citizenship. Yet we are still in a space purpose of social change, which comes to confirm the initial hypothesis of this work

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The dynamics of social fights in Santa Maria district, Aracaju, represents, in this study, the search process for understanding and analyzing the articulations of the social movements, their victories, and their ways of practicing politics, it proposes, therefore, a search for explanations and to reflect upon some issues such as: what are the dynamics of social fights and victories of the popular social movements is Santa Maria District? How do they work to solve their problems and to answer the demands along with the institutions that are responsible for the public policies in the district? With the answers to these and other questions, an analysis of the population‟s fights with the support of local social movements will be conducted. It will be done based on the historical-critical perspective of the social movements within the context of social live, through a qualitative approach based on semi=structured interviews applied to people who are close observers of the district‟s reality, and on the analysis of News contents that were published in two newspapers from Aracaju in previous years, especially from 2004 to 2008. In face of the material studied about the News from newspapers and the contents of magazines, it is evident that the local popular movements began as a new way of practicing politics that was characterized by a reproductive practice of the status quo. There is one perspective left for the population from Santa Maria District, that they demand the local leadership to take actions in face of their dynamic of fights

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The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities

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Social violence is one of the phenomena of human life that produce effects on the social imaginary as it is in it that are designed conflicting values concerning what is most vital to humans, such as respect for the strength and the fear of death, pleasure trespass for injury and pain, the rejection of injustice and anger that is born of revolt. The variability of feelings and reasons that constitute violence has required academic knowledge increasingly sensitive reflections that encompass the complexity of its manifestations. The feeling of fear and insecurity which constitute the collective social imagination has caused large changes in the behavior of both individuals and the society as a whole. This study aims to reflect on media representations the social violence in Natal-RN. Through a thematic survey and documentary analysis of three newspapers of Rio Grande do Norte - Tribuna do Norte, Novo Jornal and Jornal Metropolitano - was possible to list events and trace different discursive strategies that lead to receptors ideological interests of class, constitute social and spatial segregations and maximize violations of rights and of the human dignity, with important implications in the construction of social representations concerning the reality of violence

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The Ponta Negra borough is a part and the originally core of Ponta Negra quarter, placed on the South area of Natal/RN city. Its population was constituted by fishermen whose, beyond the fishing work, cultivated small plantations, made carbon and lace. For a long period of time, the borough was isolated from the rest of the city because of the great ground distance and due the fact that the local inhabitants found their own maintenance on the place. The scenery was being little by little modified from de 80 s because of the neighborhood urban development, that became one of the most searching tourism places in the city that turns the borough into a expensive place to live, with plenty of entertainment and high income, due the new habitation standards, new economic activities, new inhabitants belonging to higher social classes, new habits and way of living. The present work aims to verify weather or not, in the middle of all changes, the original social actors that still live in the Ponta Negra borough, are able to keep the traditional community bounds that once guided their existences. On that sense, we will analyze the conflicts that pass through the community, with attention on the sociability, space usage and appropriation

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The tradition and living in African-Brazilian religious spaces, called yards, reveal how dynamic the reproduction and exchange of knowledge are, and that through their worldview, reveal ways of dealing with health and disease. The yards are culturally rich territories, in which people shape concepts, practices, and beliefs about health, disease and forms of healing, passed on from generation to generation through oral tradition. With the advent of HIV/AIDS from the 80s, a new challenge is established in the community of the yards and in the individual trajectories of people affected by the disease, who since an early age participate in this religious practice. The objective of this research is the analysis on the stigma in living with HIV/AIDS in yards of Umbanda in Fortaleza-Ceará, considering the (re)production of social dramas experienced by the community in question. During the investigation we adopted two basic parameters: the first one considers the understanding of the reproduction of stigma (or deteriorated identity) in relation to HIV/AIDS in its socio-historical dimension and its effects in the investigated context (Goffman, 1988). And the second one refers to the creation and reproduction of social dramas as a social experience carried through learning, handling and symbolic performance, which is reproduced in four stages: rupture, crisis, corrective action and reintegration (Turner, 1971)

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This thesis deals with the intellectual itinerary of the humanist, lawyer and educator RN Helio Vasconcelos in building a more cohesive society, just and egalitarian, less marked by inequality, by poverty, ignorance and lack of freedom of his people suffered and loved. It also shows, as after suffering the hardships caused by the political persecution and imprisonment, exile faced with dignity, developing an exemplary job of defending the rights of children and adolescents. For this, redo the way that intellectual humanist, simple man who never gave up their way of thinking, of viewing the world, to love and respect all that surrounds him, thinking globally and acting locally, always holding the defense Rights human. Helium shows how solidarity exercised intensely and as bothered with the real interests of the community to hold public office. It seeks to demonstrate the need for reformulation of Legal Education in order to stimulate the formation of a lawyer gifted humanist profile

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The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

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The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice

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This work articulates a discussion about the role of the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the social policies scenario, privileging the basic education directed to the poor in Brazil, in the period from 1992 to 2002. It is a relevant theme, particularly due to the importance of the NGOs in both the national and international scope actions. The study assumes that the NGOs are instruments of control (social control) that filter the social demands towards the State, specially regarding the basic education directed to the poor. It also discusses the process of acknowledgement e expansion of the NGOs as a result of the political and economic conjuncture leading to the State reform, which had an impact on the field of social policies. A close examination of these complex relations was only possible through the understanding of the third sector establishment, having the NGOs as the main means. In this movement, relevant information of the reality are considered in order to delimit the extents of this phenomenon, with a brief reference to its origins, to the marks of its conjunctural relations, registering the multiple faces of these Organizations and the constutive elements of the debate among different visions regarding the third sector, having the NGOs as a part of its composition. With this approach, documents and publications by the NGOs and the government are researched. Based on this material, the purposes announced by these organizations are analyzed, considering the Brazilian social, political and economic conjuncture. The State of Maranhão has been chosen as an example of this context, due to the high levels of poverty and low school performance, and also given that a great many NGOs actions are more and more being held in that location in order to promote social policies. It has been concluded that the NGOs help strengthen the theses that show the decrease in the State responsibilities on free, public and quality education, and that such principle is being negotiated through the partners actions

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This study makes an analysis of the work of nurse of the, uncovering the meaning of work and of precarious work for the nurse. aims to analyze the forms of precariousness of work of the nurse of Family Health Strategy the municipality of Pau dos Ferros-RN, Brazil. This is a qualitative study with analysis of the categories that emerged from search through dialog with the authors studied in theoretical framework of the sense of human work, the world of work actual and the precariousness of work in health. Used if the methodology of thematic oral history and semi-structured interview as an instrument for data collection and information. Participated 07 nurses of. There was predominance of females, with civil state married, with age between 29 and 47 years, inserted as nurses in Family Health Strategy 1 to 9 years. All referred satisfaction with work. Emerged 02 main meanings of work, whichever the design of work as a source of human and practical transforming of reality, with the sense of perform an action by the individual facilitator and suffers change. Include the precarious work not only as the absence of links labor and social protection, unlike the thought of the Ministry of Health, similar to the design of the study, the precariousness understood yet as the absence of participation of workers in the spaces work management and running of the work and the absence of structural conditions and infra-structural where the work process takes place. evidenced the totality of nurses inserted in Family Health Strategy by public tender. Refer have labor rights guaranteed. Don´t include under which legal arrangements are governed. The researched reality does not have a policy desprecarização nursing work of Family Health Strategy. Concluded the municipality presents progress and setbacks for the precariousness of work of the nurse of Family Health Strategy. The collective work in health is a challenge in researched reality and the policy of desprecarização of the work of the management of education and work was not evidenced. Despite the implementation of the public tender these professionals have a degree of precariousness of work, with the accumulation gradient of responsibilities, some lack of working conditions in structural aspects, infra-structural and means and instruments

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC