901 resultados para Ethnic minorities


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Although HIV-related sexual risk behaviors have been studied extensively in adolescents and young adults, there is limited information about these behaviors among older Americans, which make up a growing segment of the US population and an understudied population. This review of the literature dealing with sexual behaviors that increase the risk of becoming HIV-infected found a low prevalence of condom use among older adults, even when not in a long-term relationship with a single partner. A seminal study by Schick et al published in 2010 reported that the prevalence of condom use at last intercourse was highest among those aged 50-59 years (24.3%; 95% confidence interval, 15.6-35.8) and declined with age, with a 17.1% prevalence among those aged 60-69 years (17.1%; 95% confidence interval, 7.3-34.2). Studies have shown that older Americans may underestimate their risk of becoming HIV-infected. Substance use also increases the risk for sexual risk behaviors, and studies have indicated that the prevalence of substance use among older adults has increased in the past decade. As is the case with younger adults, the prevalence of HIV infections is elevated among ethnic minorities, drug users (eg, injection drug users), and men who have sex with men. When infected, older adults are likely to be diagnosed with HIV-related medical disorders later in the course of illness compared with their younger counterparts. Physicians are less likely to discuss sexual risk behaviors with older adults and to test them for HIV compared with younger adults. Thus, it is important to educate clinicians about sexual risk behaviors in the older age group and to design preventive interventions specifically designed for older adults.

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The past 30 years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way Western democracies deal with ethnic minorities. In the past, ethnic diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and minorities were subject to a range of policies intended to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, many Western democracies have adopted a more accommodating approach. This is reflected in the widespread adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and selfgovernment rights for indigenous peoples. We refer to these policies as “multiculturalism policies” or MCPs. The adoption of MCPs has been controversial, for two reasons. The first is a philosophical critique, which argues that MCPs are inherently inconsistent with basic liberal-democratic principles. Since the mid-1990s, however, this philosophical debate has been supplemented by a second argument: namely, that MCPs make it more difficult to sustain a robust Welfare State (hereafter WS). Critics worry that such policies erode the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain a strongly redistributive WS. This paper reviews the reasons why critics believe that MCPs weaken political support for redistribution, and then examines empirically whether the adoption of MCPs has, in fact, been associated with erosion of the WS. This examination involves two steps: we develop a taxonomy of MCPs and classify Western democracies as “strong”, “modest” or “weak” in their level of MCPs. We then examine whether the strength of MCPs is associated with the erosion of the WS during the 1980s and 1990s. The evolution of the WS is measured through change in four indicators: social spending as a percentage of GDP; the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers; levels of child poverty; and the level of income inequality. We find no evidence of a consistent relationship between the adoption of MCPs and the erosion of the WS. Our analysis has limits, and we hope it stimulates further research. Nevertheless, the preliminary evidence presented here is clear: the case advanced by critics of MCPs is not supported. The growing ethnic diversity of Western societies has generated pressures for the construction of new and more inclusive forms of citizenship and national identity. The evidence in this paper suggests that debates over the appropriateness of multiculturalism policies as one response to this diversity should not be pre-empted by unsupported fears about their impact on the WS.

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This article examines notions of cultural identity and authenticity and how these notions are articulated in the small city of Kaili in Guizhou Province, an ethnically diverse region. Despite its urban status, Kaili has been branded by the local government as a yuanshengtai tourist destination. This Chinese term literally translates as “original ecology” but is used in ordinary conversation to denote a cultural authenticity in which people exist in quiet harmony with nature. Promotional literature uses the term to tout the ethnic cultural practices that mainly occur in the villages of Kaili’s municipal periphery. In contrast, many local urban inhabitants—although amenable to the promotion of Kaili as a tourist destination—have rejected the notion that the city itself could be considered culturally authentic, and proudly declare themselves “fake” ethnic minorities, as against the “genuine” ethnic people of surrounding villages. These small-city inhabitants have also defined themselves against big-city visitors by attributing to the visitors a naïve fascination with cultural authenticity, while themselves remaining aloof from such practices. The cultural authenticity discourse in Kaili has thus facilitated a reordering of social and spatial hierarchies, as blasé small-city residents define themselves against both culturally authentic rural people and authenticity-seeking big-city tourists. In analyzing this, the article draws out the broader implications regarding PRC notions of ethnicity, cultural practices, heritage, and identity.

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International migration sets in motion a range of significant transnational processes that connect countries and people. How migration interacts with development and how policies might promote and enhance such interactions have, since the turn of the millennium, gained attention on the international agenda. The recognition that transnational practices connect migrants and their families across sending and receiving societies forms part of this debate. The ways in which policy debate employs and understands transnational family ties nevertheless remain underexplored. This article sets out to discern the understandings of the family in two (often intermingled) debates concerned with transnational interactions: The largely state and policydriven discourse on the potential benefits of migration on economic development, and the largely academic transnational family literature focusing on issues of care and the micro-politics of gender and generation. Emphasizing the relation between diverse migration-development dynamics and specific family positions, we ask whether an analytical point of departure in respective transnational motherhood, fatherhood or childhood is linked to emphasizing certain outcomes. We conclude by sketching important strands of inclusions and exclusions of family matters in policy discourse and suggest ways to better integrate a transnational family perspective in global migration-development policy.

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Este artículo analiza la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper como uno de los ejemplos más destacados en la sociología contemporánea de una aproximación completa a la cuestión. A través de un recorrido exhaustivo por su obra, el objetivo es profundizar en la comprensión de la tensión entre la dinámica democrática y la idea de ciudadanía en cuanto que tipo ideal del vínculo social y como principio regulador de las sociedades democráticas. La autora propone en sus primeros trabajos una noción de ciudadanía vinculada al proceso político de construcción de la nación que no distingue entre la definición de un tipo ideal sociológico y la construcción de un ideal de sociedad. Esta confusión se corrige al introducir posteriormente en el análisis la incidencia de la democracia sobre las experiencias individuales de la ciudadanía, aportando una perspectiva de análisis de gran utilidad tanto para la comprensión de la dinámica contemporánea de las sociedades democráticas como para la necesaria defensa de la ciudadanía como vínculo social fundamental y como principio fundador de la legitimidad política.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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En este artículo se aborda el tema de la minería en zonas excluibles, por medio de una revisión bibliográfica de la legislación vigente, y se ejemplifican dos casos icono que se han presentado en Colombia en relación con la minería de oro en áreas de protección: el Parque Nacional Yaigojé-Apaporis y el Páramo de Santurbán. En ambos casos se evidencia la falta de coordinación entre las autoridades mineras y ambientales, y el vacío legislativo especialmente en la fase exploratoria, que, además de causar serios impactos ambientales y vulnerar los derechos de minorías étnicas y la población en general, crea inseguridad normativa y grandes costos a las empresas mineras. En un primer momento se describe el panorama jurídico que rige la explotación minera en Colombia, seguido de un contexto técnico del ciclo minero y de las implicaciones desde el punto de vista jurídico de este tipo de explotaciones en áreas protegidas. Luego, se presenta una cronología de los estudios de caso de la minería en un área protegida del sistema de Parques Nacionales y otra de carácter regional, concluyendo que la falta de coordinación entre instituciones deja al sector en un limbo jurídico.

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El punto de partida de nuestro estudio se sitúa en el polémico y discutido asunto resuelto por la sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 8 de diciembre de 2009, Caso Muñoz Díaz c. España, donde se condena al Estado español por denegar la pensión de viudedad a una ciudadana casada exclusivamente por el rito matrimonial gitano. Al hilo de esta resolución analizaremos, entre otras cuestiones, las diversas formas matrimoniales a las que nuestro legislador otorga efectos civiles, la incidencia de dichas disposiciones en el principio de igualdad y no discriminación consagrado en el artículo 14 de la Constitución y en el artículo 14 del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, y la posible vulneración de dicho principio en el marco de las prestaciones sociales reguladas en la Ley General de la Seguridad Social, recientemente reformada.

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Racism continues to thrive on the Internet. Yet, little is known about racism in online settings and the potential consequences. The purpose of this study was to develop the Perceived Online Racism Scale (PORS), the first measure to assess people’s perceived online racism experiences as they interact with others and consume information on the Internet. Items were developed through a multi-stage process based on literature review, focus-groups, and qualitative data collection. Based on a racially diverse large-scale sample (N = 1023), exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses provided support for a 30-item bifactor model with the following three factors: (a) 14-item PORS-IP (personal experiences of racism in online interactions), (b) 5-item PORS-V (observations of other racial/ethnic minorities being offended), and (c) 11-item PORS-I (consumption of online contents and information denigrating racial/ethnic minorities and highlighting racial injustice in society). Initial construct validity examinations suggest that PORS is significantly linked to psychological distress.

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Las minorías culturales y étnicas son con frecuencia los grupos más desfavorecidos en términos sociales y económicos debido a su falta de representación institucional. El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un modelo de intervención capaz de aumentar el poder de participación de una minoría a través de la comunicación horizontal con otras identidades mayoritarias. Los resultados del estudio de caso del programa socioeducativo La Clase Mágica, para el que se utiliza una metodología eminentemente cuantitativa a partir de cuestionario, demuestran que estos aspectos contribuyen a que los mexicanos de primera y segunda generación en el sur de California desarrollen capacidades clave para el empoderamiento y la inclusión social. Además, el programa impactó en un factor determinante para que una comunidad consiga ganar poder de acción y voz suficiente para influir en las instituciones sociales: los apoyos externos.

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This results of this thesis conclude that despite the improvements in poverty reduction made by Vietnam in the last 20 years, the northwest provinces and the ethnic minority groups living in this region have a significantly lower standard-of-living than anywhere else in Vietnam.

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A investigação desenvolvida é sobre a empregabilidade e inserção no mercado de trabalho da comunidade cigana portuguesa. Deste ponto de vista, a investigação recai sobre o processo desenvolvido de integração social nas últimas décadas onde se questiona, os Planos de Ação para a Inclusão das Comunidades Ciganas e o seu impacto na vida socioprofissional das mesmas. Para o efeito, será realizado um estudo comparado entre Portugal e Espanha no que concerne ao processo de integração social das comunidades ciganas. Estudos recentes do Instituto Português de Administração e Marketing (IPAM) referem que o emprego é mais difícil de conseguir para pessoas deficientes e pessoas ciganas (os cegos lideram a tabela com 71,6 por cento, seguindo-se a etnia cigana com 47,3).1 Um dos principais obstáculos que se tem verificado em relação à inserção no mercado de trabalho é consequência do problema da discriminação institucional (direta ou indireta)2, relutância por parte das próprias entidades responsáveis pela implementação do desenvolvimento dos programas de emprego. Devido à importância do exercício da cidadania no processo de integração social, realizar-se à uma parte empírica dedicada ao movimento associativo em Portugal e Espanha, de modo a perceber qual o seu envolvimento na definição da política social e respetivas prioridades em relação ao emprego e defesa dos direitos humanos. No quadro da compreensão, será desenvolvido uma investigação qualitativa e quantitativa, com recurso à aplicação de inquérito junto de dirigentes/representantes de ONG´S Ciganas nos dois países, no que concerne à participação/representação das mesmas, na definição de estratégias de intervenção social tendo em conta a politica social nacional e as orientações da União Europeia como é exemplo, a Estratégia Nacional Para a Integração da Comunidade Cigana; EMPLOYABILITY AND INTEGRATION IN THE LABOUR MARKET OF THE GYPSY IN PORTUGAL AND SPAIN Abstract: The research carried out is on employability and inclusion in the Community Portuguese Gypsy labor market. From this point of view, the investigation lies with the developed process of social integration in recent decades where it questions the Action Plans for Inclusion of Roma communities and their impact on the socio-professional life of the community Gypsy. For this purpose, a comparative study between Portugal and Spain regarding the process of social integration of Roma will be held. Recent studies of the Portuguese Institute of Administration and Marketing (IPAM), indicate that employment is more difficult to achieve for disable people and Roma people (the blind lead the table with 71.6 percent, followed by 47%). One of the main obstacles that has been seen in relation to the insertion in the labor market is a result of the problem of institutional discrimination (direct or indirect), reluctance by the very entities responsible for implementing the development of employment programs. Because of the importance of citizenship in the social integration process, carried out the empirical part dedicated to the associative movement in Portugal and Spain, in order to understand what their involvement in the definition of social policy and respective priorities in relation to employment and defense of human rights. In the context of understanding, a qualitative research will be developed, using the application survey of leaders / representatives of NGOs Roma in both countries, with respect to participation / representation of the same in the definition of social intervention strategies taking into account national social policy and the guidelines of the European Union as example, the national Strategy for the Integration of Roma Community.

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Resumen Desde principios del siglo XX, desde el estado hondureño se ralizan esfuerzos por mayanizar Honduras. El autor vincula este ´proceso con la hegemonía bananera en ese país centroamericano y con la integración de varios discursos en una identidad nacional post-colonial Abstract Since the start of the twentieth century, the Honduran state fomented efforts to “mayanize” Honduras. The author links this process with the hegemony of banana interests in that Central America country and the integration of various discourses into a post-colonial national identity