996 resultados para Eastern question (Balkan)


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With the end of the Cold War, which for central and eastern Europe in many respects meant the real political end to the Second World War, Germany regained its central position in the region. The Federal Republic quickly established itself as a major political and economic partner for both the Czech Republic and Poland. More importantly, due to its support for the idea of EU and NATO enlargement. Germany also became the most active western advocate of the Czech and Polish 'return to Europe'. The question remains, however, of whether Germany's relations with Poland and the Czech Republic can mature into a close axis like that enjoyed between Paris and Bonn/Berlin, or whether they will continue to develop along the lines of 'strategic congruence' but 'emotional mistrust and reserve'. The research here looked at three aspects of this question. First it considered the idea of a link between perceptions of Germany and broader considerations of European integration in Poland and the Czech Republic and outlined the ways in which Germany has motivated Czech and Polish activities and policies on EU membership. The team then focused upon on-going Czech and Polish EU integration strategies and sought to identify the actual ways in which Germany's advocacy of EU enlargement in manifest in cooperation 'on the ground'. The group concluded by considering prospects for Czech/German and Polish/German cooperation in the context of the enlarged European Union.

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Smallholders in eastern Paraguay plant small stands of Eucalyptus grandis W. Hill ex Maiden intended for sale on the local market. Smallholders have been encouraged to plant E. grandis by local forestry extension agents who offer both forestry education and incentive programs. Smallholders who practice recommended forestry techniques geared towards growing large diameter trees of good form are financially rewarded by the local markets which desire saw log quality trees. The question was posed, are smallholders engaging in recommended silvicultural practices and producing reasonable volume yields? It was hypothesized that smallholders, having received forestry education and having financial incentives from the local market, would engage in silvicultural practices resulting in trees of good form and volume yields that were reasonable for the local climate and soil characteristics. Yield volume results from this study support this hypothesis. Mean volume yield was estimated at 70 cubic meters per hectare at age four and 225 cubic meters per hectare at age eight. These volume yields compare favorably to volume yields from other studies of E. grandis grown in similar climates, with similar stocking levels and site qualities.

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Based on anthropological fieldwork between 2008 and 2011, this article focuses on how people in Tajikistan's eastern Pamirs conceptualize well-being through the establishment of peace and harmony. An exploration of the interactional use of the terms ‘peace’ and ‘harmony’ in Kyrgyz and Tajik (tynchtyk, yntymak, tinji, and vahdat) makes manifest that the meanings of these terms are connected to the fields of ‘family’, ‘leadership’, and ‘state’. Basing their reasoning on the officially promoted analogy between family and state, people in the eastern Pamirs distinguish between social spaces that are related to well-being and those that are not. As a factor of distinction, and crucial to the establishment of peace and harmony, the moral quality of leadership plays an important role. Positive experiences of such leadership as balanced and morally pure are mainly identified and witnessed within families and neighbourhoods and only occasionally in state institutions. This discrepancy raises the question of where to locate boundaries between good and bad, moral and immoral, harmonious and conflictual. Thus, this article contributes not only to the study of local concepts of well-being in Central Asia but also to the study of local concepts of ‘ill-being’ which challenge them.

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Der diesjährige 10. Trockenrasen-Sonderteil von Tuexenia beginnt mit einem Bericht über die aktuellen Aktivitäten der European Dry Grassland Group (EDGG). Zunächst geben wir einen Überblick über die Entwicklung der Mitgliederzahl. Dann berichten wir vom letzten European Dry Grassland Meeting in Tula (Russland, 2014) und vom letzten European Dry Grassland Field Workshop in Navarra (Spanien, 2014) und informieren über künftige Veranstaltungen der EDGG. Anschließend erläutern wir die Publikationsaktivitäten der EDGG. Im zweiten Teil des Editorials geben wir eine Einführung zu den fünf Artikeln des diesjährigen Trockenrasen-Sonderteils. Zwei Artikel beschäftigen sich mit der Syntaxonomie von Trockenrasen in Ost- bzw. Südosteuropa: der eine präsentiert erstmalig eine Gesamtklassifikation der Trockenrasengesellschaften Serbiens und des Kosovo während der andere Originalaufnahmen sub-montaner Graslandgesellschaften aus den bislang kaum untersuchten ukrainischen Ostkarpaten analysiert. Zwei weitere Artikel behandeln Trockenrasen-Feuchtwiesen-Komplexe im ungarischen Tiefland: Der eine behandelt den Einfluss der Landnutzung auf die Phytodiversität von Steppen und Feuchtwiesen, der andere den Einfluss von Niederschlagsschwankungen in einem Zeitraum von drei Jahren auf die Ausbildung salzbeeinflusster Steppen-Feuchtwiesen-Komplexe. Der fünfte Artikel analysiert landnutzungsbedingte Veränderungen des Graslands des Tsentralen-Balkan-Nationalparks in Bulgarien über einen Zeitraum von 65 Jahren

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Die Paläozeanographie versucht die Klimageschichte des Quartärs zu rekonstruieren und die Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimaänderungen und ozeanischer Zirkulation besser zu verstehen. Ein wichtiges Hilfsmittel stellen die planktischen Foraminiferen dar. Die Analyse planktischer Foraminiferengemeinschaften hat gezeigt, daß die Verbreitung dieser Protozoa durch die Umweltbedingungen in den Oberflächenwasserströmen bestimmt wird (BoLTOVSKOY, 1969; CIFELLI& BENIER, 1976; OTIENS, 1991). Durch ihre Ablagerung und Erhaltung am Meeresboden speichern sie diese Informationen und bilden einen Indikator für Wassermassen und Oberflächenwassertemperaturschichtung. Zeitliche und räumliche Veränderungen der Faunenvergesellschaftungen und der Verhältnisse stabiler Sauerstoff- und Kohlenstoffisotope einzelner Foraminiferenarten haben damit einen maßgeblichen Beitrag zur Kenntnis der spätquartären Temperatur- und Zirkulationsänderungen der Oberflächenströme geliefert (SHACKLETON & OPDYKE, 1973; BE et al., 1976; RUDDIMAN & McooYRE, 1976; VINCENT & BERGER, 1981; CLIMAP, 1981; RA VELO et al., 1990). Mit Hilfe der planktischen Foraminiferen soll diese Arbeit einen Beitrag zur Rekonstruktion der spätquartären Ozeanographie des Südatlantiks liefern. Die Oberflächenströme des Südatlantiks sind das Bindeglied im Wärmeaustausch zwischen niederen und hohen Breiten. Durch den Südäquatorialstrom (SEC) werden warme Wassermassen, die sich aufgrund der hohen Sonneneinstrahlung im tropischen Atlantik gebildet haben, in den Nordatlantik transportiert. Die Wärme wird im Nordatlantik unter Bildung des Nordatlantischen-Tiefenwassers (NADW) an die Atmosphäre abgegeben. Durch dieses Ereignis wird maßgeblich das nordeuropäische Klima beeinflußt (BROECKER & DENTON, 1989). Die Intensität des SEC wird durch den saisonal variierenden SE-, NE-Passat gesteuert, der hauptsächlich durch die Präzession der geneigten Erdachse bzw. durch die Insolation auf der Nordhalbkugel kontrolliert wird (Mc OOYRE et aI., 1989; MOLFINO & Mc INTYRE, 1990). Der SEC fließt entlang des Äquators von Ost nach West und kalte, nährstotfreiche, tiefere Wassermassen (Südatlantisches-Zentralwasser (SACW)) steigen vor allem im Osten auf und erzeugen das hochproduktive äquatoriale Auftriebsgebiet. Im Osten ist der Temperaturgradient in der Wassersäule steiler, und die Thermoklinentiefe nimmt von Ost nach West zu. Die Lage der Thermokline ist damit ein wesentlicher Faktor, der den Wärmehaushalt im Atlantik mitbestimmt. So wird z. B. im äquatorialen Auftriebsgebiet und im Auftriebsgebiet des küstennahen Benguela-Stroms, wo die Thermoklinentiefe durch aufsteigende kalte Wassermassen gering ist, eine Wärmezunahme von 100 W/qm im Wärmehaushalt erreicht (PETERSON & STRAMMA, 1991). Zur spätquartären Rekonstruktion des Wärmeflusses und der Oberflächenzirkulation im Südostatlantik ist es daher wichtig, auch die zeitlichen und räumlichen Veränderungen tieferer Wasserschichten (bis 300 m) zu erfassen.

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Glacial cooling (~1-5°C) in the eastern equatorial Pacific (EEP) cold tongue is often attributed to increased equatorial upwelling, stronger advection from the Peru-Chile Current (PCC), and to the more remote subpolar southeastern Pacific water mass. However, evidence is scarce for identifying unambiguously which process plays a more important role in driving the large glacial cooling in the EEP. To address this question, here we adopt a faunal calibration approach using planktic foraminifers with a new compilation of coretop data from the eastern Pacific, and present new downcore variation data of fauna assemblage and estimated sea surface temperatures (SSTs) for the past 160 ka (Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 6) from ODP Site 1240 in the EEP. With significant improvement achieved by adding more coretop data from the eastern boundary current, our downcore calibration results indicate that most of the glacial cooling episodes over the past 160 ka in the EEP are attributable to increased influence from the subpolar water mass from high latitudes of the southern Pacific. By applying this new calibration of the fauna SST transfer function to a latitudinal transect of eastern Pacific (EP) cores, we find that the subpolar water mass has been a major dynamic contributor to EEP cold tongue cooling since MIS 6.

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The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

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This article examines why, how, and with what results have judicial councils spread under the influence of European institutions throughout Central and Eastern Europe in the course of the last twenty years. It first traces back how the judicial councils, themselves just one possible form of administration of courts, have emerged as the recommended universal solution Europe-wide and internationally. Second, it discusses how has this model been exported under the patronage of European and international institutions to transition countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Assessing, thirdly, the reality of the functioning of such new judicial councils in these countries, in particular in Slovakia and Hungary, with the Czech Republic without a judicial council providing a counter-example, it is suggested that their impact on further judicial and legal transition has been either questionable or outright disastrous. This brings, eventually, into question the legitimacy as well as the bare reasonableness of the entire process of European/international standards setting and their later marketing or in reality rather imposition onto the countries in transition.

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Does the European Union’s policy towards its Eastern neighbours have any chance of success? To what extent can the objective of ‘external integration’, i.e. the adoption of EU standards by its Easternneighbours, be achieved? The European Neighbourhood Policy is currently being reviewed and the revolutions in North Africa have triggered a fresh debate on this policy. Alongside this process, Poland's forthcoming presidency of the EU (given that Poland grants high priority to rapprochement with its Eastern neighbours) provides yet another pretext for posing the above questions. However, these considerations extend beyond current events and the EU calendar. There are aspects of the central question, namely: Is the EU capable of exporting its own model of governance? This question is currently more focused on the local than the global potential of the European Union. Can it continue the process of ‘making Europe wider’?

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Foreword. Ten years after the end of the armed conflict, the Western Balkans1 are still being considered as the “land of the unsuccessful policies”. Enormous financial and technical assistance transferred by the International Community has not managed to meet the goals of integrating the region within itself as well as within the European markets. Explanation for this can be found in the consequences of the war and the remnants of the socialist state. The complexity of current institutional/ political arrangements combined with the limited willingness of the regional actors to introduce and implement much of the needed reforms have additionally contributed to the current state of affairs. The economy and politics in the region intertwine to an extent as probably in none of the other post-communist states. Therefore, the paper presents the recent economic performance of the Western Balkan countries in the light of their limited institutional development and lack of efficient regional cooperation. The paper discusses the importance of foreign direct investments’ inflow for the economic growth of the “latecomer” states and presents major drawbacks which limit the influx of the foreign capital to the region. It presents private sector activity and regional cooperation programmes. It discusses the role of the International Community with the main focus on the activities of the European Union. The EU is examined not only as the main aid donor but more importantly as a foreign trade partner. Furthermore, it analyses the impact of the presence of the International Community and their strategies towards the region with the special attention to the EU. Finally, it presents recommendations for the improvement of the economic performance in light of the enhanced political cooperation between the EU and the region.

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The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

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The Western Balkans are becoming increasingly mired in political conflicts, social disquiet, ethnic disputes, and state fragilities that can precipitate a new phase of regional instability. At the same time, the major international players may be unprepared and ill equipped to manage or resolve the emerging conflicts. While the U.S. and NATO have scaled down their presence in the region, the EU’s capabilities and effectiveness are coming under closer scrutiny.

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“Turning point” has become somewhat of a cliché as a description of where a country or a region stands at a point in time. The ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus said “you cannot step twice into the same stream” and, to be sure, life is the story of constant change and turns. Nonetheless, individuals and countries are occasionally confronted with choices so important that the course taken will likely determine subsequent events for years, even decades. Several of the countries of the Western Balkans face these kinds of decision in the summer of 2011, as does the European Union, and to some extent, the United States.

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In their March 2015 Consultation paper on the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the European Commission and the High Representative raised the question whether the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTAs) “are the right objective for all or should more tailor-made alternatives be developed, to reflect differing interests and ambitions of some partners?” Such ambitious but complex trade agreements have now finally been signed with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, but they are still on the table for several Mediterranean ENP countries. Although these Mediterranean partners have a completely different political, economic and legal relationship with the EU, some important lessons can be drawn from the ‘Eastern DCFTA experience’. In particular, the DCFTA negotiators should avoid overly ambitious and ill-defined legislative approximation commitments and develop a comprehensive implementation strategy.

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The liberalisation of Eastern Europe’s market during the 1990s and the 2004 EU enlargement have had a great impact on the economies of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Indeed, prior to these events, the financial system and household credit markets in CEE were underdeveloped. Nonetheless, it appeared to numerous economists that the development of the CEE financial system and credit markets was following an intensely positive trend, raising the question of sustainability. Many variables impact the level and growth rate of credit; several economists point out that a convergence process might be one of the most important. Using a descriptive statistics approach, it seems likely that a convergence process began during the 1990s, when the CEE countries opened their economies. However, it also seems that the main driver of this household credit convergence process is the GDP per capita convergence process. Indeed, credit to households and GDP per capita have followed broadly similar tendencies over the last 20 years and it has been shown in the literature that they appear to influence each other. The consistency of this potential convergence process is also confirmed by the breakdown of household credit by type and maturity. There is a tendency towards similar household credit markets in Europe. However, it seems that this potential convergence process was slowed down by the financial crisis. Fortunately, the crisis also stabilised the share of loans in foreign currency in CEE countries. This might add more stability to credit markets in Eastern Europe.