573 resultados para Dictatorship
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This research analyses the silencehood use by the A República journal (Natal/RN), today not being distributed, during the Second World War. Its objective is to unveil the production condition of the news texts, and it was observed that the use of silencehood as a speech strategy with its implications that falls upon the way of behaving and thinking of the society, all that time, influencing the reader in the construction of his image of the reality. During the coverage of the conflict by the local journal it was possible to also observe different speech marks that represented the change in attitude of the Brazilian Government, responsible for the control of what was spread as news. The country lived the dictatorship of the New State and as the war went on the government changed its speech, according to political, social and economical interest s thoughts being played, silencing themes in the name of the national security. We admit as research material journalistic texts that refer to the main facts that occurred during the six years of the world conflict and that is why we used as theoric-metodological support the Speech Analysis
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This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality
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Subjective and socially constructed instance, the memory is not a natural phenomenon, but an area of contention between various social organizations for control and legitimation of a past. With the development of writing and the advent of new technical devices, it creates new ways to store and transport information. The memory is no longer restricted to the limits of the here and now of the subject and undergoes transformations. In this scenario, the media start to play an important role in publicizing and construction of embodiments of memory. This study aims to analyze the conformation of the memory of political groups during the process of receiving audiovisual fiction. For this purpose, a corpus of four chapters of the soap opera Love and Revolution was used as a cognitive device for remembering. The television series, broadcast by SBT between April 2011 and January 2012, went back to the beginning and development of the military dictatorship in Brazil, in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Three militants of various affiliations Communists who acted against the regime in Rio Grande do Norte and neighboring states, were participants in this study. Using the method of oral history, the research was divided into two stages: in-depth interviews, which dealt with the history of life of employees with the militancy in the Communist parties and other social movements, and the assistance of a drive dramatic soap opera Love and Revolution. Comparing these two phases of the study, we analyze the flow of mediations that crossed memories of militancy and media framework; shifts the narrative of remembrance during reception, and the opposition between memory and represented the experiences of the receivers
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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary
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The dissertation analyzes how the syndical practice of the workers rural Brazilians works your aspects of mobilization and claim in front of the execution of attendance services and providences, instituted in the marks of the military dictatorship, in the decade of 1970. We try to apprehend how these services have been interfering in the development of base works. Considering base works, as an enduring political formation of the rural workers, formation of new syndical leaderships and an effect participation of the workers in the political spaces. We trace the path of the rural workers' organization, starting from the previous period to the military stroke of 1964, while protagonists inserted in the national political conjuncture, organizing fight fronts and conquering rights. The research reveals that the rural workers' syndical movement, when it develops the activities coming from Funrural, established in 1971, they confront a dilemma that go through the political nature of your practice, which such activities can reduce the syndical rural workers, to a antity of assistance, and so interfere in the accomplishment of base works with the rural working class. The rural workers' syndical movement, inserted in the several conjunctures, since of your emersion in ante-64, when they have passed by growth and retrocession, they built along this period a structure to the national level, which makes possible the recognition of the rural workers' organization, as a class, and human being politicians of your own structure. It is in this context that the syndical practice is analyzed, emphasizing your limits and your possibilities while policy strenght nationally constituted
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Neste texto pretende-se discorrer sobre valores morais na escola e suas implicações para a formação de professores. Para tanto discutir-se-á, em primeiro lugar, e brevemente, o que são valores morais, ou éticos, e como a escola pode situar-se em relação a eles. em seguida, serão relatadas algumas observações a respeito de valores de professores e práticas daí decorrentes. São comentados resultados de pesquisa que ilustram a transmissão de valores de forma doutrinal e a educação moral e cívica tal como realizada na ditadura militar, e, por outro lado, a posição relativista e/ou de laissez-faire que certas escolas podem adotar, metodologicamente, sobre a educação em valores. Finalmente, defender-se-á a idéia de que é necessária uma discussão sobre valores pelos diversos membros da escola e uma opção por uma metodologia para ensiná-los, seja os professores, em sua formação inicial e continuada, seja os alunos. A teoria de desenvolvimento moral de Jean Piaget será apresentada como uma referência possível para a educação em valores. Exemplos de situações escolares de conflito de valores entre direção, pais e alunos são discutidas para ilustrar como uma escola pode adotar um procedimento democrático de educação em valores, que se apresenta como um terceiro caminho possível de educação moral nas escolas, além das posições doutrinárias ou relativistas.
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O artigo aborda, segundo a nossa hipótese, o Jornalismo espetacular, marcado pelo entretenimento, utilizado pela revista Veja para noticiar os episódios do movimento estudantil - principal movimento engajado na luta da ditadura - já em 1968. Foram feitos pesquisa bibliográfica e estudo comparativo da abordagem de edições de 1998 e de 2008. Durante as comemorações deste ano ímpar, a nossa conclusão é a de que Veja agrega, cada vez mais, elementos sensacionalistas com o intuito de denegrir a imagem do movimento estudantil, corroborando, assim, com a indústria cultural e a sociedade do espetáculo que visam a produzir uma juventude democrática, ou seja, que almeja o sucesso econômico por meio do direito de consumir e da manutenção do sistema político vigente.
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A análise histórica sobre a Exposição de Televisão (Rio de Janeiro, 1939), evento promovido pelo Estado Novo em parceria com o Terceiro Reich alemão, permite trazer, além de dados sobre a história da TV no Brasil, elementos de compreensão sobre as primeiras relações entre poder político e esse meio de comunicação no país. Pois, a demonstração pública da TV aos brasileiros foi utilizada como peça de propaganda do Estado Novo, servindo-lhe para reforçar a sua propalada superioridade sobre outras formas de governo, legitimar o regime entre os vários segmentos sociais e compor o rol de argumentações favoráveis ao alinhamento Brasil-Alemanha. Ademais, o artigo pretende jogar novas luzes sobre as pretensões da ditadura varguista com relação à propaganda política e sobre a ação da imprensa frente ao controle estadonovista no período anterior ao funcionamento do DIP.
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In this paper, we revisit the recent Spanish political process, emphasizing issues relating to the Armed Forces (FFAA), trying to understand since the formation of these forces prior to the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, through this and coming to today, when it seems that the reforms promoted over past 30 years, that finally resulted in the Armed Forces incorporated of democracy.
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This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.
A máscara chinesa: Notas sobre uso das fontes produzidas pelo aparato repressivo da ditadura militar
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The methodological aspects which the historians face when using documents produced by the Brazilian military dictatorship on the leftist movements which intended to trigger the revolutionary struggle are analyzed. Whereas the strategy of the repressive regime in producing and establishing the 'truth' is enhanced, the resistance strategies of the political forces targeted by the repressive apparatus are investigated. The documents on the political organization called Marxist-Leninist Popular Movement have been employed.
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This article discusses the controversy surrounding the winning project of the competition organized by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the Brazilian pavilion at the Expo'92 in Seville, Spain; the views of architecture critics made at the time of the results, and, their implications for Brazilian architecture. At the beginning of the 90s, this competition was a kind of confrontation of ideas, between the architects who were in favour of a renewal of architecture and those who defended the resumption of national architectural traditions, buildings with large spans, constructed in reinforced concrete. These architects were the heirs of the so called Paulista architecture, which was characterised by the work undertaken from the 60's by important architects such as Vilanova Artigas and Paulo Mendes da Rocha. The modern references adopted by the winning project, from the architects Angelo Bucci, Alvaro Puntoni and José Oswaldo Vilela, sparked controversies because of the difficulty of resuming the teachings of the old modern masters when faced with new times. These controversies were related to the end of the military dictatorship in Brazil and the process of opening markets, and by the relevance of a re-evaluation of the so-called Paulista architecture.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC