Franz Neumann, the rule of law and the unfulfilled promise of classical liberal thought

This thesis draws on the work of Franz Neumann, a critical theorist associated with the early Frankfurt School, to evaluate liberal arguments about political legitimacy and to develop an original account of the justification for the liberal state.

Liberty beyond neo-liberalism: a republican critique of liberal governance in a globalising age

Steven Slaughter examines whether liberals can govern in a way that promotes liberty and moderates the significant social dislocation associated with neo-liberalism and economic globalisation. This book critically evaluates the potential of various liberal arguments to adequately address the harmful social aspects of economic globalisation in three distinct stages. First, it examines the configuration of contemporary economic globalisation and the consequences of this process for liberal thought and governance. Second, it examines contemporary liberal approaches by critically examining a series of liberal texts that provide practical alternative schemes of governance. Third, in finding these contemporary liberal arguments insufficient to the task of a socially responsible regulation of economic globalisation, the book concludes with an innovative scheme that stems from neo-Roman republican political theory.
This alternate approach is termed global civic republicanism and seeks to retrieve the public and civic character of the state in order to provide its citizens protection from economic vulnerability and thereby constitute a resilient form of individual liberty. As such, the philosophical and practical resources that support the idea of republican states are outlined and contrasted with cosmopolitan modes of thought. The legacy of republican ideas in respect to political economy, world politics and global governance are also examined.

Kivy on justifying music in liberal education

Within analytical aesthetic circles, Peter Kivy is best known for re-igniting the debate inaugurated by Eduard Hanslick over the issue of whether or not music of the purely instrumental or absolute kind can be said to express a content, and, if so, whether or not listeners' emotional responses to it bear any relation to that content. Kivy's particular contribution countenances the possibility of interpreting the appearance of a musical work as expressive - be it the percussive Allegro barbara [1911] by Bela Bartok or the lyrical Adagio for Strings {1936] by Samuel Barber - without having to presume that music itself, being non-sentient by nature, possesses any emotional, subjective state.  This short essay, however, will critically examine a rather neglected facet of Kivy's prolific writings. In a relatively recent attempt to justify the place of purely instrumental music in liberal education without drawing upon the above-mentioned notion of expressiveness, Kivy reconceptualizes the matter in a manner that significantly shifts us from the dominant epistemological arena of debate. No longer are we to dispute the place of music within the terms set by the highly influential forms-of-knowledge approach revived by P.H. Hirst a generation ago and currently under revision by Jim McKenzie in terms of forms of argumentative discourse. But before first surveying and then critically assessing Kivy's proposal, perhaps we should briefly remind ourselves of the contrasting frame of reference associated with Hirst.

Euthanasia and assisted suicide : a liberal approach versus the traditional moral view

Within the context of the debate over the recent suspended sentence given to John Stuart Godfrey by Underwood J in the Supreme Court of Tasmania for assisting his elderly mother with her suicide, this article examines some of the more popular arguments for and against the moral acceptability of euthanasia and assisted suicide. This article considers the arguments put forward on the “difference principle” by Rachels and Nesbitt before critically examining the liberal approach to the euthanasia issue as proposed by Kuhse. It is argued that whilst Kuhse is correct to reject the difference principle, she does so for the wrong reasons. The penultimate section of the article provides an overview of the traditional moral view against killing. The final part assesses whether the arguments put forward by proponents of the liberal approach are capable of overcoming this view.

Brave new Liberal : Percy Spender

Percy Spender's pioneering work as External Affairs Minister is often held up as a significant contribution to Liberal policy-making and Australian foreign policy more generally. A closer look at his life and thinking illuminates some of the factors behind his policy-making. Some of the more prominent, shaping factors can be organised under the headings of his overseas travels before becoming External Affairs Minister at the end of 1949; his sense that the mid-twentieth period was one in which Asia suddenly played a big role; and his determination that Australians should be proactive in their relations in their region, rather than merely reactive in foreign policy.

A legitimate paradox : neo-liberal reform and the return of the state in Korea

This article examines the neo-liberal reforms that the Kim government implemented in post-crisis Korea. It argues that by embracing the reforms, the state, paradoxically, re-legitimised itself in the national political economy. The process of enacting the reforms completed the power shift from a collusive state-chaebol alliance towards a new alliance based on a more populist social contract - but one that nonetheless generally conformed to the tenets of neo-liberalism. Kim and his closest associates identified the malpractices of the chaebols as the main cause of the crisis, so reforming the chaebols would be the key to economic recovery. Combining populism and neo-liberalism, they drew on support from both domestic and international sources to rein in, rather than nurture, the chaebols.

The bio-economy and the competition state : transcending the dichotomy between coordinated and liberal market economies

This article examines the role of the state in the emerging bio-economy. The starting point is that state interventions, including supportive regulatory arrangements and the shaping of public attitudes, constitute core assets in the evolution of bio-industrial complexes. Public policy in the bio-economy, across advanced industrial countries, is well captured by the “competition state” concept. This type of state takes different forms, analogously with the historical variants of the Keynesian welfare state. The article compares patterns of governance of the biotechnology sector in Finland and Sweden, the USA and the UK, and Australia. It is concluded that the bio-industry sector does not fit with the “models of capitalism” paradigm which postulates coherence within, and systemic divergences between, national models of economic governance. The bio-economy displays trends toward convergence, in particular mounting public investments in health care and in research and development. On the other hand, countries differ in their approach to market regulation, industrial support, and ethical restrictions. These differences do not follow the dichotomy between “liberal” and “coordinated” models of capitalism.

Impact of the 1980 election on ideological liberal organizations

Throughout this section, I sought to establish a nexus between interest group theory and empirical observations. This in turn, would provide the framework from which I would set forth a series of hypotheses concerning the impact of the deviating 1980 elections on ideological liberal organizations. What I found in fact, was not just a link but a near perfect correlation between theory and practice, each reinforcing the other and pointing to the same ineluctable conclusion: The upshot of the Reagan/New Right landslide of 1980 was a dramatic renaissance of American liberalism. A renaissance so pervasive that ideological liberal organizations stand to benefit tremendously in terms of sustaining membership and raising funds. Moreover, it promises to facilitate the formation of liberal lobbying coalitions and enhance their capacity to cultivate grass roots support.