A EDUCAÇÃO FÍSICA NA ERA VARGAS: A CONCRETIZAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE MORAL E CÍVICA BRASILEIRA E A FORMAÇÃO DA MÃO DE OBRA

O presente estudo propõe analisar qual o papel exercido pela Educação Física na Era Vargas. Durante a década de 1930 e o início de 1940 o avanço do capitalismo industrial traduzia-se em formas bastante sutis de dominação, no qual, projetava-se o controle até mesmo da subjetividade, do caráter e da personalidade dos indivíduos. Formulada por intelectuais, militares e estudiosos do assunto e assumida pelo Estado a partir de 1937, a Educação Física assumiu o status de disciplina capaz de tornar o povo brasileiro preparado para acompanhar o desenvolvimento do país. Conferiu-se a essa disciplina o papel de auxiliar na construção de uma nação forte. Isto seria alcançado a partir do investimento sobre o corpo, pela regeneração física e moral do povo brasileiro, tornando-o forte, sadio, eugenizado, útil e produtivo. Ao mesmo tempo, seria possível introjetar nos indivíduos valores como ordem, disciplina, respeito e obediência. O Exército, grande ativador da Educação Física naquele momento, procurava liderar a construção nacional e envolvia essa prática em seus objetivos de militarização da sociedade. Com a consolidação do autoritarismo político a partir de 1937, o Estado integrou a Educação Física e sua ação regeneradora na ideologia de construção nacional então formulada, trazendo um contorno novo, de orientação fascista, ao projeto de construção da nacionalidade a partir dessa prática.(AU)

A EDUCAÇÃO FÍSICA NA ERA VARGAS: A CONCRETIZAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE MORAL E CÍVICA BRASILEIRA E A FORMAÇÃO DA MÃO DE OBRA

O presente estudo propõe analisar qual o papel exercido pela Educação Física na Era Vargas. Durante a década de 1930 e o início de 1940 o avanço do capitalismo industrial traduzia-se em formas bastante sutis de dominação, no qual, projetava-se o controle até mesmo da subjetividade, do caráter e da personalidade dos indivíduos. Formulada por intelectuais, militares e estudiosos do assunto e assumida pelo Estado a partir de 1937, a Educação Física assumiu o status de disciplina capaz de tornar o povo brasileiro preparado para acompanhar o desenvolvimento do país. Conferiu-se a essa disciplina o papel de auxiliar na construção de uma nação forte. Isto seria alcançado a partir do investimento sobre o corpo, pela regeneração física e moral do povo brasileiro, tornando-o forte, sadio, eugenizado, útil e produtivo. Ao mesmo tempo, seria possível introjetar nos indivíduos valores como ordem, disciplina, respeito e obediência. O Exército, grande ativador da Educação Física naquele momento, procurava liderar a construção nacional e envolvia essa prática em seus objetivos de militarização da sociedade. Com a consolidação do autoritarismo político a partir de 1937, o Estado integrou a Educação Física e sua ação regeneradora na ideologia de construção nacional então formulada, trazendo um contorno novo, de orientação fascista, ao projeto de construção da nacionalidade a partir dessa prática.(AU)

Cultural variation in Africa: role of mechanisms of transmission and adaptation.

Cultural inheritance can be considered as a mechanism of adaptation made possible by communication, which has reached its greatest development in humans and can allow long-term conservation or rapid change of culturally transmissible traits depending on circumstances and needs. Conservativeness/flexibility is largely modulated by mechanisms of sociocultural transmission. An analysis was carried out by testing the fit of three models to 47 cultural traits (classified in six groups) in 277 African societies. Model A (demic diffusion) is conservation over generations, as shown by correlations of cultural traits with language, used as a measure of historical connection. Model B (environmental adaptation) is measured by correlation to the natural environment. Model C (cultural diffusion) is the spread to neighbors by social contact in an epidemic-like fashion and was tested by measuring the tightness of geographic clustering of the traits. Most traits examined, in particular those affecting family structure and kinship, showed great conservation over generations, as shown by the fit of model A. They are most probably transmitted by family members. This is in agreement with the theoretical demonstration that cultural transmission in the family (vertical) is the most conservative one. Some traits show environmental effects, indicating the importance of adaptation to physical environment. Only a few of the 47 traits showed tight geographic clustering indicating that their spread to nearest neighbors follows model C, as is usually the case for transmission among unrelated people (called horizontal transmission).

La cultura política del sandinismo: nacimiento, desarrollo y realineamiento de una anomalía política centroamericana

Sandinista ideology and its political culture are born in 1927, with the refusal of the Pacto del Espino Negro by Augusto César Sandino, while its disappearance can be placed in 1999, date of the signature of the Liberal-Sandinista pact with which –effectively- the two main protagonist of nicaraguan politics at that time, Daniel Ortega and Arnoldo Alemán, halt the democratization process of Nicaragua, so putting on ice also its political development. Meanwhile, in the lapse of time between these two pacts, the most intense, feverish, dramatic and participated period of political history of the Central American country develops: an anti-imperialist guerrilla warfare ended in a bloodbath; a dynastic dictatorship of predatory authoritarianism for more than 40 years; a popular revolution that throws down the dictatorship; a decade of revolutionary government attacked by a counter-revolutionary war; an electoral defeat that will lead to a season of “pactismo” that will end the Sandinista anomaly and that will give an opening to something that we could consider –not with a certain difficulty- its pretence. The aim of this essay consists in analyzing how it has been possible that a political experience like the Sandinista Front , created not only for gaining power and for revolutionizing politically, socially and economically Nicaragua, but also for changing radically cultural, ethic and moral perspective of the country and its people, arrived being the contrary of what had been posed as the horizon to aspire...

Desenvolvimento de um controlador preditivo estocástico para processos da indústria química.

O sucesso de estratégias de controle preditivo baseado em modelo (MPC, na sigla em inglês) tanto em ambiente industrial quanto acadêmico tem sido marcante. No entanto, ainda há diversas questões em aberto na área, especialmente quando a hipótese simplificadora de modelo perfeito é abandonada. A consideração explícita de incertezas levou a importantes progressos na área de controle robusto, mas esta ainda apresenta alguns problemas: a alta demanda computacional e o excesso de conservadorismo são questões que podem ter prejudicado a aplicação de estratégias de controle robusto na prática. A abordagem de controle preditivo estocástico (SMPC, na sigla em inglês) busca a redução do conservadorismo através da incorporação de informação estatística dos ruídos. Como processos na indústria química sempre estão sujeito a distúrbios, seja devido a diferenças entre planta e modelo ou a distúrbios não medidos, está técnica surge como uma interessante alternativa para o futuro. O principal objetivo desta tese é o desenvolvimento de algoritmos de SMPC que levem em conta algumas das especificidades de tais processos, as quais não foram adequadamente tratadas na literatura até o presente. A contribuição mais importante é a inclusão de ação integral no controlador através de uma descrição do modelo em termos de velocidade. Além disso, restrições obrigatórias (hard) nas entradas associadas a limites físicos ou de segurança e restrições probabilísticas nos estados normalmente advindas de especificações de produtos também são consideradas na formulação. Duas abordagens foram seguidas neste trabalho, a primeira é mais direta enquanto a segunda fornece garantias de estabilidade em malha fechada, contudo aumenta o conservadorismo. Outro ponto interessante desenvolvido nesta tese é o controle por zonas de sistemas sujeitos a distúrbios. Essa forma de controle é comum na indústria devido à falta de graus de liberdade, sendo a abordagem proposta a primeira contribuição da literatura a unir controle por zonas e SMPC. Diversas simulações de todos os controladores propostos e comparações com modelos da literatura são exibidas para demonstrar o potencial de aplicação das técnicas desenvolvidas.

Trudny "Sojusznik" Bialorus w polityce Rosji. Prace OSW 2008. = Difficult "ally." Belarus in Russia's foreign policy. OSW Study 28/2008

Belarus holds a special position in Russian policy due to its geopolitical, military and transit significance. Russia's influence and position in the entire Eastern European region largely depend on how strong Russian influence in Belarus is. The process of Russian-Belarusian integration began in 1994, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power in Minsk. At the time, Russia's policy towards Belarus was based on twomain assumptions. Firstly, the Kremlin supported Lukashenka's authoritarian regime. This allowed Russia to keep Belarus within its orbit of political influence and prevent other states from getting involved, since an undemocratic Belarus could not count on closer contacts with the West. Secondly, Russia heavily subsidised Belarus with cheap energy resources (way below the market price) and allowed the duty-free access of Belarusian goods to its market. Thus Belarus became a kind of 'sponsored authoritarianism' with a specific economic model, owing its existence to Russia's economic and political support. At the same time, Moscow's key objective in its policy towards Belarus was to make Minsk accept the Russian conditions concerning integration, which would in fact lead to Belarus' incorporation by the Russian Federation. However, Belarus managed to maintain its sovereignty, while Alyaksandr Lukashenka bandied the term 'integration' about in order to maintain the preferential model of his state's relations with Russia. Russia's intention to alter the nature of these bilateral relations became evident when Vladimir Putin took power in 2000. However, Moscow faced Minsk's refusal to accept the Russian integration plan (which, among other measures, provided for the takeover of Belarusian economic assets by Russian companies). This forced Russia to use its main tool against Minsk: the supplies of cheap gas and oil that had been sustaining Belarus' archaic economy. The most serious crisis in Russian-Belarusian relations broke out at the beginning of 2007, following Moscow's decision to raise the energy resource prices. This decision marked the beginning of the application of market principles to settlements between Moscow and Minsk. The key question this study is meant to answer concerns the consequences of the aforementioned decision by Russia for future Russian-Belarusian relations. Are they at a turning point? What are Russia's policy objectives? What results can come from the process of moving mutual relations onto an economic footing? What policy will replace Russia's 'sponsoring of Belarusian authoritarianism', which it has been implementing since 1994? Finally, what further measures will Russia undertake towards Belarus? The current study consists of five chapters. The first chapter offers a brief presentation of Belarus' significance and position in Russian policy. The second analyses the development of Russian-Belarusian political relations, first of all the establishment of the Union State, Belarus' position in Russian domestic policy and Russia's influence on Belarusian policy. The third chapter presents bilateral economic relations, primarily energy issues. The fourth chapter describes the state and perspectives of military cooperation between the two states. The fifth chapter presents conclusions, where the author attempts to define the essence of the ongoing re-evaluation in Russian-Belarusian relations and to project their future model.

Derisory Results or Reasons to be Cheerful? Evaluating the Implantation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. Natolin Research Paper 01/January 2011

This paper considers the implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. The paper presents a portrait of the three neighbours in terms of their current political and socio-economic profiles, as well as the status of their relations with the European Union. Subsequently, it provides an overview of the development of ENP. A general set of conclusions are offered in relation to the key issue of good governance, where, the paper argues, ENP has delivered derisory results, with patchy effects across the region. Moreover, the paper identifies the democratic back-sliding in Ukraine and entenched authoritarianism in Belarus, which ENP has done very little to address. The EU’s willingness to provide better mobility options for ENP citizens to visit and work in the EU is a key test for the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in the coming year. This paper sees that whilst there are reasons to be cheerful here, with the EU’s recent offer of greater Visa Liberalisation for Ukraine and Moldova, there remains much to be done and in the meantime the EU remains a ‘Fortress Europe’. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for ENP, which include the need to finally tackle corruption in the region, bring more differentiation into ENP, soften the EU’s borders through more generous Visa regimes, develop a more robust Belarus strategy and to think more creatively about the use of ENP funds for regional and cross- border activities.

Tajikistan: a chronic stagnation. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 200/15.03.2016

Since gaining its independence Tajikistan has faced severe political, economic and social problems. The last several months has seen a clear increase in their intensity. This is in part caused by the deteriorating economic situation in Russia and the significant fall of remittances from the Tajik labour migrants in Russia, as well as by President Emomali Rahmon’s rising authoritarianism. Despite this intensification, qualitatively speaking Tajikistan’s problems have been unchanged for years. Besides the state’s structural weakness, the main cause is the ongoing neo-colonial dependence on Russia, which effectively limits Dushanbe’s room for political manoeuvre and keep Tajikistan in Russia’s sphere of control. This dependence on the one hand protects the country from collapsing, but on the other it precludes the development of the state, resulting in Tajikistan’s enduring stagnation. Similar processes also take place in other countries of post-Soviet Central Asia. However, in the case of Tajikistan the dependence and stagnation it causes are the strongest and their mechanisms most easily observed.

The Struggling State : Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea /

The Struggling State explores Eritreans’ disillusion with a government that permanently conscripts the vast majority of its citizens into the military, and examines teachers’ paradoxical roles as educators who are trying to create a bright and peaceful future for the nation while situated to shuttle their students into the military. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

Becoming Red and White: The Legacy of New Order Nationalism on Interfaith Relations in Ambon

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Reflections on the statistical analysis of personality and norms in war, peace, and prejudice: Are deviant minorities the problem?

The compelling quality of the Global Change simulation study (Altemeyer, 2003), in which high RWA (right-wing authoritarianism)/high SDO (social dominance orientation) individuals produced poor outcomes for the planet, rests on the inference that the link between high RWA/SDO scores and disaster in the simulation can be generalized to real environmental and social situations. However, we argue that studies of the Person × Situation interaction are biased to overestimate the role of the individual variability. When variables are operationalized, strongly normative items are excluded because they are skewed and kurtotic. This occurs both in the measurement of predictor constructs, such as RWA, and in the outcome constructs, such as prejudice and war. Analyses of normal linear statistics highlight personality variables such as RWA, which produce variance, and overlook the role of norms, which produce invariance. Where both normative and personality forces are operating, as in intergroup contexts, the linear analysis generates statistics for the sample that disproportionately reflect the behavior of the deviant, antinormative minority and direct attention away from the baseline, normative position. The implications of these findings for the link between high RWA and disaster are discussed.

Perceptions of the intergroup structure and anti-Asian prejudice among white Australians

Subjective intergroup beliefs and authoritarianism were assessed in a field study (N=255) of White Australians' anti-Asian stereotyping and prejudice. A social identity analysis of intergroup prejudice was adopted, such that perceptions of the intergroup structure (instability, permeability, legitimacy and higher ingroup status) were proposed as predictors of higher prejudice (blatant and covert) and less favorable stereotyping. Consistent with the social identity approach, both independent and interacting roles for sociostructural predictors of Anti-Asian bias were observed, even after demographic and personality variables were controlled. For example, perceived legitimacy was associated with higher prejudice when White Australians' status position relative to Asian Australians was valued. Moreover, when participants evaluated Whites' position as unstable and high status or legitimate, perceptions of permeable intergroup boundaries were associated with anti-Asian bias. The present findings demonstrate status protection responses in advantaged group members in a field setting, lending weight to the contention that perceptions of sociostructural threat interact to predict outgroup derogation. Implications for theories of intergroup relations are discussed.

A EDUCAÇÃO FÍSICA NA ERA VARGAS: A CONCRETIZAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE MORAL E CÍVICA BRASILEIRA E A FORMAÇÃO DA MÃO DE OBRA

O presente estudo propõe analisar qual o papel exercido pela Educação Física na Era Vargas. Durante a década de 1930 e o início de 1940 o avanço do capitalismo industrial traduzia-se em formas bastante sutis de dominação, no qual, projetava-se o controle até mesmo da subjetividade, do caráter e da personalidade dos indivíduos. Formulada por intelectuais, militares e estudiosos do assunto e assumida pelo Estado a partir de 1937, a Educação Física assumiu o status de disciplina capaz de tornar o povo brasileiro preparado para acompanhar o desenvolvimento do país. Conferiu-se a essa disciplina o papel de auxiliar na construção de uma nação forte. Isto seria alcançado a partir do investimento sobre o corpo, pela regeneração física e moral do povo brasileiro, tornando-o forte, sadio, eugenizado, útil e produtivo. Ao mesmo tempo, seria possível introjetar nos indivíduos valores como ordem, disciplina, respeito e obediência. O Exército, grande ativador da Educação Física naquele momento, procurava liderar a construção nacional e envolvia essa prática em seus objetivos de militarização da sociedade. Com a consolidação do autoritarismo político a partir de 1937, o Estado integrou a Educação Física e sua ação regeneradora na ideologia de construção nacional então formulada, trazendo um contorno novo, de orientação fascista, ao projeto de construção da nacionalidade a partir dessa prática.(AU)

Afetividade e Fluência na Interação Empresarial: Um estudo sobre Mediação

A partir de conflito interpessoal entre gestores de empresa de médio porte, esta pesquisa realiza estudo de caso com objetivo de investigar os reflexos da mediação na fluência de interação e na afetividade dentro da empresa, enfocando 19 participantes, em três níveis: diretoria, equipe da diretoria e coordenadores. Tem como sustentação teórica as abordagens de mediação: Tradicional de Harvard; Transformativa; Narrativo-Circular e Facilitação, delineadas a partir do modelo dos sistemas dinâmicos da Teoria da Complexidade. Após caracterização inicial da empresa, utiliza-se de técnicas de pré-mediação, mediação e facilitação em grupo, analisando-as qualitativamente. Com preocupação sobre a racionalidade dos resultados sobre os reflexos do trabalho de mediação, compõe questionário sobre fluência de interação e afetividade na empresa, QFI. Os resultados do questionário comprovam os da análise da mediação, sendo que 51% dos funcionários assinalam alterações positivas na interação e na afetividade na empresa como um todo. Os pontos nevrálgicos, apontados pelos participantes como reformulados na mediação referem-se a: Autoritarismo; Muita Pressão; Falta Transparência; Co-Responsável; Cisão entre as áreas Administrativa e Técnica (Cisão AA-AT); Centralização e Escuta Insuficiente. Os dados indicam uma abertura sistêmica na tomada de consciência dos conflitos, associada a uma maior responsabilidade conjunta em tentar resolvê-los, através do gerenciamento integrado e dinâmico de competências individuais, intra e inter-grupais na empresa. O estudo considera, portanto, que a mediação pode ser vista como uma abordagem alternativa de resolução de conflitos, com resultados positivos ao meio organizacional. Devido ao fato de as técnicas de mediação não estarem ainda muito difundidas em nossa realidade, recomenda a necessidade de novas pesquisas , diversificando seu foco em empresas de vários tamanhos e segmentos.

The fevered novel from Balzac to Bernanos:frenetic Catholicism in crisis, delirium and revolution

Book Review: The Fevered Novel from Balzac to Bernanos: Frenetic Catholicism in Crisis, Delirium and Revolution. By Francesco Manzini. (IGRS Books). London: Institute of Germanic and Romance Studies, 2011. 264 pp. Full text: This monograph is an important and compelling account of a novelistic tradition that stretches from Georges Bernanos back to Balzac, by way of Léon Bloy, Joris-Karl Huysmans, and Barbey d'Aurevilly. Depending on a master plot that evokes Maistrean themes of blood, sacrifice, and redemption, working in a feverish female body, this canon combines Romantic freneticism and anti-Enlightenment religion to create a compound that Francesco Manzini calls ‘frenetic Catholicism’. The theme of fever, Manzini tells us, was commented on by Huysmans in writing about Barbey d'Aurevilly. When André Gide read Bernanos's Sous le soleil de Satan, he dismissed it as a rehash of Bloy and Barbey. In this present work Manzini aims to make us aware once more of the gradually intensifying themacity of fever in writings more usually classed in theologo-literary categories. His analysis encompasses (though is not restricted to) Balzac's Ursule Mirouët, Barbey d'Aurevilly's Un prêtre marié, Huysmans's En rade, Bloy's Le Désespéré and La Femme pauvre, and Bernanos's Nouvelle histoire de Mouchette. Thus, as Manzini argues in his conclusion, between the freneticism of the Romantics and that of the surrealists this corpus represents an intermediary wave of freneticism, foregrounding fever, hyperconsciousness, dreamlike episodes, and female automatism. Manzini's knowledge of, and ease amidst, the sources is constantly impressive. Much like Richard Griffiths before him (The Reactionary Revolution: The Catholic Revival in French Literature, 1870–1914 (London: Constable, 1966)), he has read both the bad novels and the good ones. For that we are in his debt. His commentary thrives on the oddities of his subjects. He points quite rightly to the peculiar hubris of writers whose contempt for the secular excesses of scientism leads them down a cul-de-sac of primitive medical quackery. Likewise, he underlines how Zola's attempt to unwrite Barbey — exorcising the former's anti-Romantic animus, as much as scratching his anticlerical itch — leads him to recapitulate Barbey's religious authoritarianism in the secular vernacular of patriarchy. Les espèces qui se rapprochent se mangent, to paraphrase Bernanos (Les Grands Cimetières sous la lune). In spite of all Manzini's tightly organized analysis, however, this reader wonders whether the fevered novel ‘best allowed contemporaries — and now […] literary critics and historians — to imagine the issues at stake in the amorphous scientistic, religious, and political debates’ of the period (p. 17). Below the ideological clashes of nineteenth-century science and religion, the two contending dynamics of anthropocentrism and theocentrism are attested and, it can be argued, even more perfectly dramatized in other Catholic literature (Charles Péguy's poetry, for example). In these terms, what distinguishes the Catholic frenetics from their Romantic or surrealist counterparts is that their fevered subject represents an attempt to build a road out of what Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor calls ‘buffered’ individuality, and back towards the theocentric porous subject who is open to divine influence. By way of minor corrections, nuns do not take holy orders (p. 94) but make religious profession by taking vows. Also, the last Eucharistic host is not extreme unction (p. 119) but viaticum.