980 resultados para Comparative history


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This article focuses on the studies and discourses of mostly British scholars of the early colonial period belonging to two schools of thought. It shows how the studies of both schools – European orientalism and utilitarianism – were intricately connected to the political development of the emerging British paramountcy over the South Asian sub-continent, as both were looking for means of establishing and/or strengthening colonial rule. Nevertheless, the debate was not just a continuation of discussions in Europe. Whereas the ideas of the European Enlightenment had some influence, the transformation of the Mughal Empire and especially the idea of a decline of Muslim rule offered ample opportunities for understanding the early history of India either as some sort of “Golden Age,” as the orientalists and their indigenous supporters did, or as something static and degenerate, as the utilitarians did, and from which the population of sub-continent had to be saved by colonial rule and colonial values. Fearing the spread of the ideas of the French Revolution, the first group of British scholars sought to persuade the native elites of South Asia to take the lessons of their past for the future development of their homeland. Just as the classicists back in Europe, these scholars were convinced that large-scale explanations of the past could also teach political and moral lessons for the present although it was important to deal with the distant past in an empirical manner. The utilitarians on the other hand believed that India had to be saved from its own depravity through the English language and Western values, which amounted to nothing less than the modern transformation of the true Classical Age.

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An analysis of print Holocaust denial literature as it compares to internet Holocaust denial, with a focus on how the transition from print literature to the internet has affected Holocaust denial.

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The inference of the evolutionary history of a set of languages is a complex problem. Although some languages are known to be related through descent from common ancestral languages, for other languages determining whether such a relationship holds is itself a difficult problem. In this paper we report on new methods, developed by linguists Johanna Nichols (University of California, Berkeley), Donald Ringe and Ann Taylor (University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia), and me, for answering some of the most difficult questions in this domain. These methods and the results of the analyses based on these methods were presented in November 1995 at the Symposium on the Frontiers of Science held by the National Academy of Sciences.

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A polymorphic C-->T transition located on the human Y chromosome was found by the systematic comparative sequencing of Y-specific sequence-tagged sites by denaturing high-performance liquid chromatography. The results of genotyping representative global indigenous populations indicate that the locus is polymorphic exclusively within the Western Hemisphere. The pre-Columbian T allele occurs at > 90% frequency within the native South and Central American populations examined, while its occurrence in North America is approximately 50%. Concomitant genotyping at the polymorphic tetranucleotide microsatellite DYS19 locus revealed that the C-->T mutation displayed significant linkage disequilibrium with the 186-bp allele. The data suggest a single origin of linguistically diverse native Americans with subsequent haplotype differentiation within radiating indigenous populations as well as post-Columbian European and African gene flow. The mutation may have originated either in North America at a very early time during the expansion or before it, in the ancestral population(s) from which all Americans may have originated. The analysis of linkage of the DYS199 and the DYS19 tetranucleotide loci suggests that the C-->T mutation may have occurred around 30,000 years ago. We estimate the nucleotide diversity over 4.2 kb of the nonrecombining portion of the Y chromosome to be 0.00014. compared to autosomes, the majority of variation is due to the smaller effective population size of the Y chromosome rather than selective sweeps. There begins to emerge a pattern of pronounced geographical localization of Y-specific nucleotide substitution polymorphisms.

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Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.