Santos e Espírito Santo, ou católicos e evangélicos na Amazônia marajoara

A presença evangélica na Região de Integração Marajó não é recente, data do início do século XX, mas é somente nas duas últimas décadas do mesmo período que se pode falar em uma expansão dos mesmos. Essa expansão é notada a partir da análise de dados estatísticos dos censos do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE, de 1991 e 2000 e de incursões a campo entre os anos de 2005 e 2010. O Crescimento dos evangélicos numa região de tradição católica tem mobilizado a Igreja Católica no sentido de melhorar seu desempenho no mercado religioso local. Entender como se tecem essas relações entre católicos e evangélicos e evangélicos e evangélicos foi o objetivo que me propus nessa pesquisa. Os dados de campo nos indicam que a Igreja Católica tem utilizado o discurso do avanço pentecostal na região para realizar algumas mudanças em seu universo, especialmente nas festas de santo, tanto nas cidades marajoaras como na capital, Belém do Pará. Por outro lado os evangélicos têm trabalhado no sentido de se afirmarem como um grupo religioso forte, e têm se preocupado, em termos de mercado, muito mais com seus “irmãos” de outras denominações que com a própria Igreja Católica.

Estudo da migração internacional na Amazônia brasileira a partir da análise dos dados de espacialidade e seletividade dos censos de 2000 e 2010

A migração internacional tornou-se um tema de grande importância no cenário mundial tanto para os países de destino quanto para os países de origem. Na Amazônia ainda existe certa falta de interesse com a questão. No entanto, já existem alguns trabalhos específicos de cada país amazônico sobre o assunto. Porém as informações tratam estudos de caso sem levar em consideração a análise de toda a região. Isto se dá entre outros motivos pela falta de um banco de dados sobre migrações para a Amazônia. Entretanto os censos demográficos tornam-se importantes instrumentos de análise. Com base nos censos demográficos brasileiros de 2000 e 2010 que se busca questionar a dinâmica migratória recente para a Amazônia brasileira a fim de dar prosseguimento a uma série de discussões sobre as mudanças de origem, a distribuição espacial e o perfil desse novo migrante. Em um primeiro momento cria-se uma breve revisão teórica sobre a migração internacional, posteriormente discute-se a história da migração internacional na Amazônia brasileira e logo após analisam-se os dados dos dois últimos censos demográficos brasileiros sobre a migração internacional Num segundo momento analisa-se a distribuição espacial da migração de brasileiros retornados a Amazônia brasileira com intuito de fazer uma comparação entre os municípios que evidenciam essa dinâmica tanto para estrangeiros quanto para brasileiros. Essa espacialização retrata o processo histórico de ocupação e urbanização da Amazônia e também a porosidade da fronteira. Assim como o perfil migratório dá indícios de ser resultante do crescimento econômico da exploração de recursos naturais na Amazônia. Contudo, diante da complexidade do tema migração, é necessário integrar conhecimentos para a análise do processo migratório que ultrapassem os limites dos paradigmas clássicos.

Um estudo sobre a migração de japoneses para a Amazônia peruana e sua continuação para a Amazônia brasileira

A chegada de imigrantes japoneses ao Peru, a bordo do navio Sakura Maru, em 1899, para trabalharem nas fazendas da costa peruana, coincide com os anos áureos da exploração da borracha na Amazônia, o que fez essa região atrativa aos migrantes que não permaneceram nessas fazendas. No mesmo ano da chegada do navio Sakura Maru, 91 desses imigrantes se deslocaram para o atual departamento de Madre de Dios ao sul da Amazônia peruana. Passado o ciclo da exploração da borracha, muitos imigrantes japoneses permaneceram na Amazônia e em Madre de Dios se estabeleceram ao redor de Puerto Maldonado, surgindo uma próspera comunidade japonesa que se mantêm até hoje. Na época da exploração da borracha alguns japoneses migraram para o atual estado do Acre (Brasil), chamados de Peru kudari (os descidos do Peru), mas poucos se fixaram, espalhando-se, após a queda da economia da borracha, por outros lugares do Brasil e outros países. Assim, esta tese pretende demonstrar que a migração de japoneses para o departamento de Madre de Dios, na Amazônia peruana, e o surgimento e consolidação de uma comunidade de japoneses em Puerto Maldonado (capital desse departamento), foram causados por três fatores principais: 1) Uma política contínua em prol da imigração japonesa para o Peru durante as primeiras décadas do século XX voltada para prover mão-de-obra nas fazendas de cana-de-açúcar e algodão da costa; 2) Envolvimento dos imigrantes japoneses em atividades econômicas demandadas durante a expansão da exploração da borracha na Amazônia peruana; e 3) Fortalecimento dessas atividades após a queda da economia da borracha para garantir o fornecimento de produtos necessários à população remanescente, inclusive, substituindo produtos não mais importados ou fornecidos por grandes empresas. Esses fatores não foram encontrados entre japoneses que avançaram até o Acre (Brasil), não conseguindo, portanto, a fixação de comunidades japonesas que permanecessem até a atualidade. As fontes utilizadas para a realização do estudo foram compostas de literatura sobre os movimentos migratórios internacionais, dados dos censos peruanos e brasileiros, jornais da época, documentos diplomáticos, e relatórios provinciais, entre outras. A tese é um estudo de demografia histórica utilizando dados quantitativos e qualitativos, na busca da compreensão do processo histórico do objeto pesquisado, com intuito de explicar os desdobramentos que ocorreram nas comunidades de imigrantes japoneses tanto em Madre de Dios (Peru) quanto no Acre (Brasil).

Functional trophic composition of the ichthyofauna of forest streams in eastern Brazilian Amazon

Este estudo teve como objetivo descrever a organização funcional da fauna de peixes de riachos do nordeste do estado do Pará, Brasil, com base em observações comportamentais das táticas alimentares das espécies. Sete igarapés foram amostrados entre junho e novembro de 2010 por técnicas de observações diretas durante sessões de mergulho livre, totalizando 91h 51min de observação, nos períodos diurno, crepuscular vespertino e noturno. Foram observadas 73 espécies distribuídas em seis ordens, 26 famílias e 63 gêneros, com predomínio de Characiformes, seguidos por Siluriformes. A partir de informações coligidas por observações ad libitum, as espécies foram organizadas em 18 grupos tróficos funcionais (GTFs), de acordo com duas características principais: (1) a tática alimentar observada com maior frequência; e (2) sua distribuição espacial no riacho, considerando suas dimensões lateral (margens e canal central) e vertical (coluna d'água). Os GTFs mais frequentes foram Catadores noturnos de invertebrados (9 espécies), Coletores diurnos de canal (8 spp.), Catadores diurnos de superfície (7 spp.), e Predadores de tocaia e emboscada (6 spp.). Os GTFs aqui definidos possibilitam uma análise comparativa da estrutura e composição da ictiofauna, que representa uma abordagem alternativa ao uso da estrutura taxonômica em estudos ecológicos. A classificação da ictiofauna baseada em GTFs proposta neste trabalho é comparada com outras três classificações, propostas por Sazima (1986), Sabino & Zuanon (1998) e Casatti et al. (2001).

Planting coconuts in Indian villages: ethnoecological aspects and evaluation of a "sustainable development" project

Apesar de cientistas e tomadores de decisão abraçarem o conceito geral de "desenvolvimento sustentável", há pouco acordo sobre como se atingir esta meta em situações específicas. Assim, projetos de desenvolvimento sustentável são amplamente criticados por etno-cientistas quanto à forma como são inter-culturalmente formulados. Aqui reportamos um caso controverso de plantio de coco-da-Bahia em aldeias Kayapó do sul do Pará, e fazemos a nossa autocrítica. Nós partimos da premissa de que o reflorestamento e o estado geral de saúde/nutrição caminham lado a lado. Portanto, o desenvolvimento da cultura de cocos por si só deve contribuir para a conservação da floresta no longo prazo e, simultaneamente, contribuir para o bom estado nutricional do povo Kayapó que protege a floresta da ameaça de práticas não-sustentáveis. Nós buscamos descobrir como que o comportamento dos Kayapó afeta o desenvolvimento da cultura de cocos quando amparada com suporte externo. Nós apresentamos resultados de duas viagens de campo para a terra Kayapó, onde detectamos fatores sócio-ecológicos relevantes para o sucesso de nosso projeto de apoio à cultura de coqueiros nas aldeias indígenas. Primeiro, em novembro de 2007, nós visitamos as aldeias Kikretum, Moikarakô e Aukre (dentre 10 aldeias que receberam mudas de coqueiros de nosso programa de apoio) para entregar um segundo carregamento de mudas de coqueiro (o primeiro carregamento aconteceu em abril de 2006). E descrevemos quantitativamente um aspecto do comportamento dos dispersores de sementes de coco (os Kayapó). Especificamente, como as palmeiras pré-existentes nas aldeias são distribuídas dentre as famílias dos índios e como este carregamento sobreviveu a fatores etno-ecológicos. Segundo, em julho de 2008 nós visitamos as aldeias Kokraimoro e Pykararankre e estimamos a posição dos coqueiros pré-existentes e dos novos em relação a outras árvores cultivadas, fazendo uso de censos partindo do centro das aldeias para seus limites exteriores. Nas três aldeias indígenas visitadas em 2007, virtualmente todos os coqueiros pré-existentes pertenciam a poucas famílias e a distribuição de frutos era, na maior parte dos casos, altamente concentrada dentre os membros destas famílias. Entretanto, assumindo que todos os coqueiros jovens que sobreviveram ao primeiro ano chegarão à maturidade (do primeiro carregamento em abril de 2006), eles representam um aumento considerável no numero projetado de coqueiros adultos nas três aldeias visitadas (48, 195 e 101% em Kikretum, Moikarakô e Aukre, respectivamente). E uma redução substancial na desigualdade de acesso aos cocos. Na expedição de 2008, encontramos que os índios geralmente plantam coqueiros bem próximos das suas casas onde a competição com outras árvores cultivadas podem limitar o desenvolvimento das palmeiras.

A disputa territorial e o controle das políticas no território Cantuquiriguaçu – Estado do Paraná: a participação dos movimentos socioterritoriais e o papel do estado

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

Distribuição de renda e pobreza no Brasil rural

Since the 60's, the population censuses have revealed a high degree of social inequality in Brazil. The concentration of income, as measured by the Gini index, showed persistently high since then. After the year 2001, we note that the trajectory stability is disrupted and the Gini index begins to show a downward trend. In relation to poverty, there has been two periods in recent history in which there was consistent decrease in the proportion of poor in the years immediately after the Real Plan in 2003 and in the year 2003 onwards. This research aimed to analyze poverty and income distribution in rural Brazil. In this crop sector, it is noted that the average perceived by the rural population is below the Brazilian income and, therefore, there is an increase in the number of poor. In addition, income in rural areas is less concentrated compared to the urban environment. Finally, as occurred in Brazil, there is a rural improvement in indicators of poverty and inequality in the last 10 years. Finally, this paper analyzes the changes that may have contributed to the fall in inequality and rural poverty, including the policy of rural settlement, the credit program to the family farmer (PRONAF) and rural retirement

Modernização da agricultura e reestruturação produtiva da atividade leiteira

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Dinâmica temporal e composição florística da comunidade arbórea de floresta ombrófila densa montana, Parque Estadual da Serra do Mar, SP, Brasil

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Inequalities in mortality of men by oral and pharyngeal cancer in Barcelona, Spain and São Paulo, Brazil, 1995–2003

Abstract Background Large inequalities of mortality by most cancers in general, by mouth and pharynx cancer in particular, have been associated to behaviour and geopolitical factors. The assessment of socioeconomic covariates of cancer mortality may be relevant to a full comprehension of distal determinants of the disease, and to appraise opportune interventions. The objective of this study was to compare socioeconomic inequalities in male mortality by oral and pharyngeal cancer in two major cities of Europe and South America. Methods The official system of information on mortality provided data on deaths in each city; general censuses informed population data. Age-adjusted death rates by oral and pharyngeal cancer for men were independently assessed for neighbourhoods of Barcelona, Spain, and São Paulo, Brazil, from 1995 to 2003. Uniform methodological criteria instructed the comparative assessment of magnitude, trends and spatial distribution of mortality. General linear models assessed ecologic correlations between death rates and socioeconomic indices (unemployment, schooling levels and the human development index) at the inner-city area level. Results obtained for each city were subsequently compared. Results Mortality of men by oral and pharyngeal cancer ranked higher in Barcelona (9.45 yearly deaths per 100,000 male inhabitants) than in Spain and Europe as a whole; rates were on decrease. São Paulo presented a poorer profile, with higher magnitude (11.86) and stationary trend. The appraisal of ecologic correlations indicated an unequal and inequitably distributed burden of disease in both cities, with poorer areas tending to present higher mortality. Barcelona had a larger gradient of mortality than São Paulo, indicating a higher inequality of cancer deaths across its neighbourhoods. Conclusion The quantitative monitoring of inequalities in health may contribute to the formulation of redistributive policies aimed at the concurrent promotion of wellbeing and social justice. The assessment of groups experiencing a higher burden of disease can instruct health services to provide additional resources for expanding preventive actions and facilities aimed at early diagnosis, standardized treatments and rehabilitation.

Childhood cancer and nuclear power plants in Switzerland: a census-based cohort study

Background Previous studies on childhood cancer and nuclear power plants (NPPs) produced conflicting results. We used a cohort approach to examine whether residence near NPPs was associated with leukaemia or any childhood cancer in Switzerland. Methods We computed person-years at risk for children aged 0–15 years born in Switzerland from 1985 to 2009, based on the Swiss censuses 1990 and 2000 and identified cancer cases from the Swiss Childhood Cancer Registry. We geo-coded place of residence at birth and calculated incidence rate ratios (IRRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) comparing the risk of cancer in children born <5 km, 5–10 km and 10–15 km from the nearest NPP with children born >15 km away, using Poisson regression models. Results We included 2925 children diagnosed with cancer during 21 117 524 person-years of follow-up; 953 (32.6%) had leukaemia. Eight and 12 children diagnosed with leukaemia at ages 0–4 and 0–15 years, and 18 and 31 children diagnosed with any cancer were born <5 km from a NPP. Compared with children born >15 km away, the IRRs (95% CI) for leukaemia in 0–4 and 0–15 year olds were 1.20 (0.60–2.41) and 1.05 (0.60–1.86), respectively. For any cancer, corresponding IRRs were 0.97 (0.61–1.54) and 0.89 (0.63–1.27). There was no evidence of a dose–response relationship with distance (P > 0.30). Results were similar for residence at diagnosis and at birth, and when adjusted for potential confounders. Results from sensitivity analyses were consistent with main results. Conclusions This nationwide cohort study found little evidence of an association between residence near NPPs and the risk of leukaemia or any childhood cancer.

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

Who Counts? Demography of Swidden Cultivators in Southeast Asia

Swidden cultivators are often found as a distinct category of farmers in the literature, but rarely appear in population censuses or other national and regional classifications. This has led to a worldwide confusion on how many people are dependent on this form of agriculture. The most often cited number of 200–300 million dates back to the early 1970s, but the source is obscure. We assess available, published data from nine countries in Southeast Asia and conclude that on this basis it is not possible to provide a firm estimate of the number of swidden cultivators in the region. A conservative range of 14–34 million people engaged in swidden cultivation in the region is suggested, however. We argue that along with improved knowledge of swidden livelihoods, there is an urgent need to develop techniques that will allow for better estimates of swidden populations in order to secure appropriate rural development and poverty reduction in swidden areas.

Impact of unlinked deaths and coding changes on mortality trends in the Swiss National Cohort

BACKGROUND Results of epidemiological studies linking census with mortality records may be affected by unlinked deaths and changes in cause of death classification. We examined these issues in the Swiss National Cohort (SNC). METHODS The SNC is a longitudinal study of the entire Swiss population, based on the 1990 (6.8 million persons) and 2000 (7.3 million persons) censuses. Among 1,053,393 deaths recorded 1991-2007 5.4% could not be linked using stringent probabilistic linkage. We included the unlinked deaths using pragmatic linkages and compared mortality rates for selected causes with official mortality rates. We also examined the impact of the 1995 change in cause of death coding from version 8 (with some additional rules) to version 10 of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD), using Poisson regression models with restricted cubic splines. Finally, we compared results from Cox models including and excluding unlinked deaths of the association of education, marital status, and nationality with selected causes of death. RESULTS SNC mortality rates underestimated all cause mortality by 9.6% (range 2.4%-17.9%) in the 85+ population. Underestimation was less pronounced in years nearer the censuses and in the 75-84 age group. After including 99.7% of unlinked deaths, annual all cause SNC mortality rates were reflecting official rates (relative difference between -1.4% and +1.8%). In the 85+ population the rates for prostate and breast cancer dropped, by 16% and 21% respectively, between 1994 and 1995 coincident with the change in cause of death coding policy. For suicide in males almost no change was observed. Hazard ratios were only negligibly affected by including the unlinked deaths. A sudden decrease in breast (21% less, 95% confidence interval: 12%-28%) and prostate (16% less, 95% confidence interval: 7%-23%) cancer mortality rates in the 85+ population coincided with the 1995 change in cause of death coding policy. CONCLUSIONS Unlinked deaths bias analyses of absolute mortality rates downwards but have little effect on relative mortality. To describe time trends of cause-specific mortality in the SNC, accounting for the unlinked deaths and for the possible effect of change in death certificate coding was necessary.

Different Early Post-Settlement Strategies Between American Lobsters Homarus Americanus and Rock Crabs Cancer Irroratus in the Gulf of Maine

The abundance of many invertebrates with planktonic larval stages can be determined shortly after they reach the benthos. In this study, we quantified patterns of abundance and habitat utilization of early benthic phases of the American lobster Homarus americanus and the rock crab Cancer irroratus. These 2 decapods are among the most common and abundant macroinvertebrates in coastal zones of the Gulf of Maine, with similar densities of larger individuals. Settlement and early postsettlement survival indicate that lobsters are highly substrate-specific early in life, settling predominantly in cobble beds. Crabs appear to be less selective, setting both in cobble and sand. Cumulative settlement of crabs, inferred from weekly censuses over the summer, was an order of magnitude greater than that of lobsters over the same time period. However, only crabs showed significant postsettlement losses. Although the identity of specific predators is unknown, predator exclusion experiments and placement of vacant uninhabited nursery habitat suggested that post-settlement mortality rather than emigration was responsible for these losses. The selective habitat-seeking behavior and lower post-settlement mortality of lobsters is consistent with their lower fecundity and later onset of reproductive maturity. The patterns observed for crabs, however, suggest a different strategy which is more in accordance with their higher fecundity and earlier onset of maturity. It is possible that lower fecundity but greater per-egg investment, along with strict habitat selection at settlement and lower post-settlement mortality, allows adult lobster populations to equal adult populations of crabs. This occurs despite crabs being more fecund and less habitat-selective settlers but sustaining higher postsettlement mortality.