El conflicto de Yugoslavia (Kosovo) y el nuevo orden internacional post Guerra Fría.

A finales del siglo XX, 1999, Kosovo, hasta entonces provincia de Serbia, se transforma en un Protectorado de las Naciones Unidas como acto, tal vez no final, pero si culminante del proceso de disolución de la Federación Yugoslava, que fundada en 1945 por Josip Broz, Tito, ha visto la separación de cuatro de las seis repúblicas federadas en la década de los noventa (Eslovenia, Croacia, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina) quedando reducida a Serbia y Montenegro. A la fecha, Serbia tenía dos provincias autónomas, Kosovo y la Voivodina. El mandato de la ONU sobre Kosovo implica para Serbia la pérdida de la provincia, cuna de la iglesia ortodoxa yugoslava y emblema del nacionalismo serbio. Pero el conflicto de Kosovo no es reciente, él se inicia en la Baja Edad Media. El presente trabajo pretende aproximarse a la comprensión de este elemento puntual del proceso histórico mundial contemporáneo: Kosovo (en lo específico, Serbia como referente inmediato, Yugoslavia en lo general y la región de los Balcanes como referente mayor) en la perspectiva del ejercicio actual de consolidación de un poder mundial unipolar, cuya concreción más evidente en lo geoestratégico, es la OTAN. La región de los Balcanes, Yugoslavia, el conflicto de Kosovo más puntualmente, es en consecuencia, el objeto, el elemento de estudio de esta tesis; la configuración actual del poder, el nuevo orden mundial unipolar, su horizonte de intelección. Y es que ambos procesos, las guerras de secesión de la pasada década en Yugoslavia, por un lado, y por otro, la instauración de un poder global, planetario, están vinculados, en su núcleo, por un acontecimiento previo de colosal importancia: el desmantelamiento de la URSS, la proclamación de Rusia como Estado independiente de la hasta entonces Unión Soviética al comienzo de esa década, el consiguiente fin de la Guerra Fría, igual que el fin del alineamiento bipolar de las naciones en la escena internacional. Y si el tema a considerar se entrecruza, apenas planteado, con instancias complejas: la llamada comunidad internacional, el mercado, la red global de información, aquello nos muestra la no casual imbricación, la interdependencia de actores y acciones en el escenario contemporáneo; implica que aproximarse a la trama de Kosovo es acercarse al mismo tiempo al entramado entero mundial, a fuerzas y voluntades, a relaciones activas, históricas, estructurales, que configuran –bajo la atenta mirada del poder- el sentido de la sociedad humana en su historia como presente. Y lo dicho de modo precedente determina también el asumir una hipótesis, que parece tener un correlato plausible en los hechos, aunque no sea la única que pueda plantearse como 6 explicativa de los mismos. En términos generales dicha hipótesis se apoya en el teorizar de Noam Chomsky y afirma que: el proceso de disolución de la República Federal Yugoslava, la secuela de guerra provocada por esa diáspora, es la manifestación inequívoca y fehaciente de un nuevo orden mundial unipolar detentado, en lo básico, por Washington. Es decir, que la consolidación de EE.UU. como potencia hegemónica, en lo económico, político y militar, ha dado paso a una forma de Estado mundial sui géneris que reclama para sí la supremacía en el nuevo orden internacional. El cometido, por tanto, será intentar demostrar que la hipótesis es válida, que funciona en independencia y correlación con otras hipótesis posibles, que su poder explicativo no es inferior a aquellas y que más allá de su aparente reduccionismo –lo unipolar contrapuesto a lo multipolar- tal reduccionismo, de haberlo, no es sino el correlato de la acelerada concentración del poder mundial en la esfera del poder norteamericano.

Biodiversity versus emergencies: the impact of restocking on animal genetic resources after disaster

Restocking is a favoured option in supporting livelihoods after a disaster. With the depletion of local livestock populations, the introduction of new species and breeds will clearly affect biodiversity. Nevertheless, the impact of restocking on Animal Genetic Resources has been largely ignored. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine the consequences of restocking on biodiversity via a simple model. Utilising a hypothetical project based on cattle, the model demonstrates that more than one-third of the population was related to the original restocked animals after three generations. Under conditions of random breed selection, the figure declined to 20 per cent. The tool was then applied to a donor-led restocking project implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina. By restocking primarily with Simmental cattle, the model demonstrated that the implementation of a single restocking project is likely to have accelerated the decline of the indigenous Busa breed by a further nine per cent. Thus, greater awareness of the long-term implications of restocking on biodiversity is required.

Bio-diversity versus emergencies: the impact of restocking on animal genetic resources after disaster

Restocking is a favoured option in supporting livelihoods after a disaster. With the depletion of local livestock populations, the introduction of new species and breeds will clearly affect biodiversity. Nevertheless, the impact of restocking on Animal Genetic Resources has been largely ignored. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine the consequences of restocking on biodiversity via a simple model. Utilising a hypothetical project based on cattle, the model demonstrates that more than one-third of the population was related to the original restocked animals after three generations. Under conditions of random breed selection, the figure declined to 20 per cent. The tool was then applied to a donor-led restocking project implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina. By restocking primarily with Simmental cattle, the model demonstrated that the implementation of a single restocking project is likely to have accelerated the decline of the indigenous Buşa breed by a further nine per cent. Thus, greater awareness of the long-term implications of restocking on biodiversity is required.

Incorporating languages into histories of war: a research journey

This article discusses the ways in which languages can be integrated into histories of war and conflict, by exploring ongoing research in two case studies: the liberation and occupation of Western Europe (1944–47), and peacekeeping/peace building in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995–2000). The article suggests that three methodological approaches have been of particular value in this research: adopting an historical framework; following the “translation” of languages into war situations; and contextualizing the figure of the interpreter/translator. The process of incorporating languages into histories of conflict, the article argues, has helped to uncover a broader languages landscape within the theatres of war.

Förlåtelse, försoning och oförsonlighet i överlevandes berättelser efter kriget i Bosnien

Forgiveness, reconciliation and implacability in narratives of survivors after the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina In this article I analyze verbally portrayed experiences of 27 survivors from the 1990s’ war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One aim of the article is to analyze markers for reconciliation and implacability, the second is to describe the terms for reconciliation which are actualized in those stories. The interactive dynamics, which occurred during the war, make the post-war reconciliation wartime associated. Narratives about reconciliation, implacability and terms for reconciliation, are not only formed in relation to the war as a whole but also in relation to one’s own and others’ wartime actions. The narratives about reconciliation become an arena in which we and them are played against each other in different ways – not least by rejecting the others’ acts during the war. In the interviewees stories implacability is predominant but reconciliation is presented as a possibility if certain conditions are met. These conditions are, for instance, justice for war victims, perpetrators’ recognition of crime and perpetrators’ emotional commitment (for example the display of remorse and shame).

Definitioner av våld i överlevandes berättelser efter kriget i Bosnien

Definitions of violence in stories of survivors from the Bosnian war Previous research on violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina presents a one-sided picture of the phenomenon ”war violence.” Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on stories about war violence, nor have they analyzed the stories of war violence being a product of interpersonal interaction. This article tries to fill this knowledge gap by analyzing the narratives told by survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The aim is to analyze how the survivors describe violence during the war, and also to analyze those discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the category ”war violence.” The construction of the category ”war violence” is made visible in the empirical material when the interviewees talk about (1) a new social order in the society, (2) human suffering, (3) sexual violence, and (4) human slaughter. All interviewees define war violence as morally reprehensible. In narratives on the phenomena ”war violence” a picture emerges which shows a disruption of the social order existing in the pre-war society. The violence practiced during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. Narratives retelling violent situations, perpetrators of violence and subjected to violence do not only exist as a mental construction. The stories live their lives after the war, and thus have real consequences for individuals and society.

Of Law, Lawlessness, and Sovereignty : Multinational Peacekeeping and International Law

Laws of war have been carefully defined by individual nations’ own codes of law as well as by supranational bodies. Yet the international scene has seen an increasing movement away from traditionally declared war toward multinational peacekeeping missions geared at containing local conflicts when perceived as potential threats to their respective regions’ political stability. While individual nations’ laws governing warfare presuppose national sovereignty, the multinational nature of peacekeeping scenarios can blur the lines of command structures, soldiers’ national loyalties, occupational jurisdiction, and raise profound questions as to which countries’ moral sense/governmental system is to be the one upheld. Historically increasingly complex international relations have driven increasingly detailed internationally drafted guidelines for countries’ interactions while at war, yet there are operational, legislative, and moral issues arising in multinational peacekeeping situations which these laws do not address at all. The author analyzes three unique peacekeeping operations in light of these legislative voids and suggests systematic points to consider to the end of protecting the peacekeepers, the national interests of the countries involved, operational matters, and clearly delineating both the objective and logical boundaries of a given multinational peacekeeping mission.

Do fracasso à reforma das operações de paz das Nações Unidas (2000-2010)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Tuzla City (BiH): an example of geohazard induced by salt extraction

Salt deposits characterize the subsurface of Tuzla (BiH) and made it famous since the ancient times. Archeological discoveries demonstrate the presence of a Neolithic pile-dwelling settlement related to the existence of saltwater springs that contributed to make the most of the area a swampy ground. Since the Roman times, the town is reported as “the City of Salt deposits and Springs”; "tuz" is the Turkish word for salt, as the Ottomans renamed the settlement in the 15th century following their conquest of the medieval Bosnia (Donia and Fine, 1994). Natural brine springs were located everywhere and salt has been evaporated by means of hot charcoals since pre-Roman times. The ancient use of salt was just a small exploitation compared to the massive salt production carried out during the 20th century by means of classical mine methodologies and especially wild brine pumping. In the past salt extraction was practised tapping natural brine springs, while the modern technique consists in about 100 boreholes with pumps tapped to the natural underground brine runs, at an average depth of 400-500 m. The mining operation changed the hydrogeological conditions enabling the downward flow of fresh water causing additional salt dissolution. This process induced severe ground subsidence during the last 60 years reaching up to 10 meters of sinking in the most affected area. Stress and strain of the overlying rocks induced the formation of numerous fractures over a conspicuous area (3 Km2). Consequently serious damages occurred to buildings and infrastructures such as water supply system, sewage networks and power lines. Downtown urban life was compromised by the destruction of more than 2000 buildings that collapsed or needed to be demolished causing the resettlement of about 15000 inhabitants (Tatić, 1979). Recently salt extraction activities have been strongly reduced, but the underground water system is returning to his natural conditions, threatening the flooding of the most collapsed area. During the last 60 years local government developed a monitoring system of the phenomenon, collecting several data about geodetic measurements, amount of brine pumped, piezometry, lithostratigraphy, extension of the salt body and geotechnical parameters. A database was created within a scientific cooperation between the municipality of Tuzla and the city of Rotterdam (D.O.O. Mining Institute Tuzla, 2000). The scientific investigation presented in this dissertation has been financially supported by a cooperation project between the Municipality of Tuzla, The University of Bologna (CIRSA) and the Province of Ravenna. The University of Tuzla (RGGF) gave an important scientific support in particular about the geological and hydrogeological features. Subsidence damage resulting from evaporite dissolution generates substantial losses throughout the world, but the causes are only well understood in a few areas (Gutierrez et al., 2008). The subject of this study is the collapsing phenomenon occurring in Tuzla area with the aim to identify and quantify the several factors involved in the system and their correlations. Tuzla subsidence phenomenon can be defined as geohazard, which represents the consequence of an adverse combination of geological processes and ground conditions precipitated by human activity with the potential to cause harm (Rosenbaum and Culshaw, 2003). Where an hazard induces a risk to a vulnerable element, a risk management process is required. The single factors involved in the subsidence of Tuzla can be considered as hazards. The final objective of this dissertation represents a preliminary risk assessment procedure and guidelines, developed in order to quantify the buildings vulnerability in relation to the overall geohazard that affect the town. The historical available database, never fully processed, have been analyzed by means of geographic information systems and mathematical interpolators (PART I). Modern geomatic applications have been implemented to deeply investigate the most relevant hazards (PART II). In order to monitor and quantify the actual subsidence rates, geodetic GPS technologies have been implemented and 4 survey campaigns have been carried out once a year. Subsidence related fractures system has been identified by means of field surveys and mathematical interpretations of the sinking surface, called curvature analysis. The comparison of mapped and predicted fractures leaded to a better comprehension of the problem. Results confirmed the reliability of fractures identification using curvature analysis applied to sinking data instead of topographic or seismic data. Urban changes evolution has been reconstructed analyzing topographic maps and satellite imageries, identifying the most damaged areas. This part of the investigation was very important for the quantification of buildings vulnerability.

Il dominio romano in Dalmatia: diffusione del modello urbano e culturale

I viaggi e gli studi compiuti in Croazia, Montenegro e Bosnia Erzegovina in occasione della Tesi di Laurea hanno costituito l’occasione per comprendere quanto sia consistente il retaggio di Roma antica sulla sponda orientale dell’Adriatico. Nello stesso tempo si è potuto constatare che, per diversi motivi, dal punto di vista prettamente scientifico, la ricchezza di questo patrimonio archeologico aveva sino allora trovato soltanto poche occasioni di studio. Da qui la necessità di provvedere a un quadro completo e generale relativo alla presenza romana in un territorio come quello della provincia romana di Dalmatia che, pur considerando la sua molteplicità geografica, etnica, economica, culturale, sociale e politica, ha trovato, grazie all’intervento di Roma, una sua dimensione unitaria, un comune denominatore, tanto da farne una provincia che ebbe un ruolo fondamentale nella storia dell’Impero. Il lavoro prende le mosse da una considerazione preliminare e generale, che ne costituisce quasi lo spunto metodologico più determinante: la trasmissione della cultura e dei modelli di vita da parte di Roma alle altre popolazioni ha creato un modello in virtù del quale l’imperialismo romano si è in certo modo adattato alle diverse culture incontrate ed assimilate, dando vita ad una rete di culture unite da elementi comuni, ma anche profondamente diversificate per sintesi originali. Quella che pare essere la chiave di lettura impiegata è la struttura di un impero a forma di “rete” con forti elementi di coesione, ma allo stesso tempo dotato di ampi margini di autonomia. E questo a cominciare dall’analisi dei fattori che aprirono il cammino dell’afflusso romano in Dalmatia e nello stesso tempo permisero i contatti con il territorio italico. La ricerca ne analizza quindi i fattori:il diretto controllo militare, la costruzione di una rete viaria, l’estensione della cittadinanza romana, lo sviluppo della vita locale attraverso la formazione di una rete di municipi, i contatti economici e l’immigrazione di genti romanizzate. L’analisi ha posto in evidenza una provincia caratterizzata da notevoli contraddizioni, che ne condizionarono – presso entrambi i versanti del Velebit e delle Alpi Dinariche – lo sviluppo economico, sociale, culturale e urbanistico. Le profonde differenze strutturali tra questi due territori rimasero sempre presenti: la zona costiera divenne, sotto tutti i punti di vista, una sorta di continuazione dell’Italia, mntre quella continentale non progredì di pari passo. Eppure l’influenza romana si diffuse anche in questa, così che essa si pote conformare, in una certa misura, alla zona litoranea. Come si può dedurre dal fatto che il severo controllo militare divenne superfluo e che anche questa regione fu dotata progressivamente di centri amministrati da un gruppo dirigente compiutamente integrato nella cultura romana. Oltre all’analisi di tutto ciò che rientra nel processo di acculturazione dei nuovi territori, l’obiettivo principale del lavoro è l’analisi di uno degli elementi più importanti che la dominazione romana apportò nei territori conquistati, ovvero la creazione di città. In questo ambito relativamente periferico dell’Impero, qual è il territorio della provincia romana della Dalmatia, è stato dunque possibile analizzare le modalità di creazione di nuovi centri e di adattamento, da parte di Roma, ai caratteri locali dell’insediamento, nonché ai condizionamenti ambientali, evidenziando analogie e differenze tra le città fondate. Prima dell’avvento di Roma, nessuna delle regioni entrate a far parte dei territori della Dalmatia romana, con la sola eccezione della Liburnia, diede origine a centri di vero e proprio potere politico-economico, come ad esempio le città greche del Mediterraneo orientale, tali da continuare un loro sviluppo all’interno della provincia romana. In altri termini: non si hanno testimonianze di insediamenti autoctoni importanti che si siano trasformati in città sul modello dei centri provinciali romani, senza aver subito cambiamenti radicali quali una nuova pianificazione urbana o una riorganizzazione del modello di vita locale. Questo non significa che la struttura politico-sociale delle diverse tribù sia stata cambiata in modo drastico: almeno nelle modeste “città” autoctone, nelle quali le famiglie appaiono con la cittadinanza romana, assieme agli ordinamenti del diritto municipale, esse semplicemente continuarono ad avere il ruolo che i loro antenati mantennero per generazioni all’interno della propria comunità, prima della conquista romana. Il lavoro mette compiutamente in luce come lo sviluppo delle città nella provincia abbia risentito fortemente dello scarso progresso politico, sociale ed economico che conobbero le tribù e le popolazioni durante la fase pre-romana. La colonizzazione greca, troppo modesta, non riuscì a far compiere quel salto qualitativo ai centri autoctoni, che rimasero sostanzialmente privi di concetti basilari di urbanistica, anche se è possibile notare, almeno nei centri costieri, l’adozione di tecniche evolute, ad esempio nella costruzione delle mura. In conclusione questo lavoro chiarisce analiticamente, con la raccolta di un’infinità di dati (archeologici e topografici, materiali ed epigrafici, e desunti dalle fonti storiche), come la formazione della città e l’urbanizzazione della sponda orientale dell’adriatico sia un fenomeno prettamente romano, pur differenziato, nelle sue dinamiche storiche, quasi caso per caso. I dati offerti dalla topografia delle città della Dalmatia, malgrado la scarsità di esempi ben documentati, sembrano confermare il principio della regolarità degli impianti urbani. Una griglia ortogonale severamente applicata la si individua innanzi tutto nelle città pianificate di Iader, Aequum e, probabilmente, anche a Salona. In primis nelle colonie, quindi, ma non esclusivamente. Anche numerosi municipi sviluppatisi da insediamenti di origine autoctona hanno espresso molto presto la tendenza allo sviluppo di un sistema ortogonale regolare, se non in tutta l’area urbana, almeno nei settori di più possibile applicazione. Ne sono un esempio Aenona, Arba, Argiruntum, Doclea, Narona ed altri. La mancanza di un’organizzazione spaziale regolare non ha tuttavia compromesso l’omogeneità di un’attrezzatura urbana tesa alla normalizzazione, in cui i componenti più importanti, forum e suoi annessi, complessi termali, templi dinastici e capitolia, si avviano a diventare canonici. Le differenze più sensibili, che pure non mancano, sembrano dipendere dalle abitudini delle diverse etnie, dai condizionamenti topografici e dalla disponibilità finanziaria dei notabili. Una città romana non può prendere corpo in tutta la sua pienezza solo per la volontà del potere centrale. Un progetto urbanistico resta un fatto teorico finché non si realizzano le condizioni per cui si fondano due fenomeni importantissimi: uno socio-culturale, che consiste nell’emergenza di una classe di notabili “fortunati” desiderosi di dare a Roma dimostrazioni di lealtà, pronti a rispondere a qualsiasi sollecitazione da parte del potere centrale e addirittura ad anticiparlo; l’altro politico-amministrativo, che riguarda il sistema instaurato da Roma, grazie al quale i suddetti notabili possono godere di un certo potere e muoversi in vista della promozione personale nell’ambito della propria città. Aiuti provenienti dagli imperatori o da governatori provinciali, per quanto consistenti, rimangono un fatto non sistematico se non imprevedibile, e rappresentano comunque un episodio circoscritto. Anche se qualche città risulta in grado di costruire pecunia publica alcuni importanti edifici del quadro monumentale, il ruolo del finanziamento pubblico resta relativamente modesto. Quando la documentazione epigrafica esiste, si rivela che sono i notabili locali i maggiori responsabili della costruzione delle opere pubbliche. Sebbene le testimonianze epigrafiche siano scarse e, per la Dalmatia non sia possibile formulare un quadro completo delle committenze che favorirono materialmente lo sviluppo architettonico ed artistico di molti complessi monumentali, tuttavia è possibile osservare e riconoscere alcuni aspetti significativi e peculiari della provincia.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Linguistic Stylistics

Marina Katnic-Bakarsic. Linguistic Stylistics The practical, i.e. educational, objective of this research was to produce lectures on linguistic stylistics for the students of Sarajevo University, while the theoretical one was to produce a monograph on the subject. This monograph, which can also be used as a university textbook, includes twenty-nine chapters, an index of topics, a bibliography and a list of sources. The theoretical postulates are followed by examples from texts in various functional styles in Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, and in some cases Russian or English. Linguo-stylistic problems were investigated from both the structuralist and post-structuralist points of view. Linguistic stylistics is therefore understood as a discipline which studies expressive, stylistically marked language units on all language levels, functional-stylistic language variation and various aspects of intertextuality and metatext. The author introduces a notion of stylistic competence. The stylistic competence of a speaker is directly proportional to his/her knowledge of different varieties of language (i.e. subcodes) and to the successful switching from one subcode to another. Stylistic creativity is a special segment of stylistic competence as a feature of individual style. A new classification of functional styles has also been introduced. This includes six primary styles (scientific, colloquial, administrative, publicistic, journalistic and literary-artistic) and five secondary styles (oratorical, the style of advertisements and commercials, that of comics, that of essays and that of screenplays). A special place is given to the analysis of the style of hypertext and hypermedia, which can be understood only within the post-structuralist theory of text deconstruction and intertextuality. The project also analysed some new topics, including reregistration in literary texts, gender and style of dialogue, and citations as metatextual signals and their role in different types of text. The results therefore offer a new approach to the study of linguistic stylistics both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the field in general.

Cultural and Educational Society of Muslims "Narodna Uzdanica" /"National Hope"/ 1923-1941

Ibrahim Kemura. The Muslim Cultural-Educational Society Narodna uzdanica from 1923/4 to 1941 One of the features of the cultural history of the Bosniacs between the two world wars (1918-1941) was a cultural and educational society named Narodna uzdanica, which was a significant institutional and cultural-intellectual centre of the Bosniac people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Narodna uzdanica expressed the aspirations and needs of the Bosniac citizens who were its main support and axis and was aimed at fulfilling their interests. This was reflected in an ideological-cultural orientation towards the West and the adoption of positive western achievements while at the same time stressing its Slavic origins and individuality, the education of young people and the formation of a European-type civic intelligentsia, adaptation to life in capitalist society, the development of modern trade and crafts, the emancipation of women, and cultural education based on European values. Thus conceived, the programme enjoyed the support of a wider circle of members, the reading public and the cultural consumers of those particular elements such as education and economic prosperity which it sought to achieve. The political involvement of Narodna uzdanica and its use as a platform for the leading Bosniac political party Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija (JMO - Yugoslav Muslim Organisation) which had founded the society, played a significant role in the socio-political life and development of Bosniacs. The opposition to the ruling regime, often expressed through close cooperation with similar Croat organisations and through the pro-Croat attitude of some of the society's leading figures, offered both the regime and Narodna uzdanica's political adversaries grounds for describing it as separatist and Croat and served as a pretext for repressive measures to hinder its normal operations. This research proved these accusations to be groundless, showing that the pro-Croat orientation was primarily political and cultural and that throughout its existence Narodna uzdanica was active in the cultural and educational renaissance of Bosniacs, helping to strengthen their national identity.

Effect of the Various Degrees of Stress on Childrens Art Expression Through Drawings

One of the aims of this project was to understand the way in which external environment or situation affects children's behaviour. Emotional experiences are developed and acquired under the influence of the environment, and a good family relationship is necessary for young people to grow, develop and socialise at all ages. Stress causes specific negative emotions, including concern, anxiety, sorrow and hostility. A pathologic environment in childhood forces the development of special abilities, both creative and destructive, It supports the development of an abnormal state of mind in which the usual relations between body and mind, reality and imagination, knowledge and memory are changed. Here the environment considered was that of the war and aggression in Bosnia & Herzegovina, where children, particularly those from Podrinje, witnessed arrests, killing, deforming and slaughtering of adults and children, in many cases members of their immediate families. Sehovic analysed the content of drawings by children exposed to various degrees of stress, to discover how these indicate various degrees of stress with the aim of using these as a projective technique in diagnostic work with children. The sample included around 600 children expelled from their homes, of both sexes aged between 6 and 12.

Standard Language in Bosna and Hercegovina - in Language Policy Documents

From the beginning of the standardisation of language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. from the acceptance of Karadzic's phonetic spelling in the mid-19th century, to the present day when there are three different language standards in force - Bosniac (Muslim), Croatian and Serbian, language in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a subject of political conflict. Documents on language policy from this period show the degree to which domestic and foreign political factors influenced the standard language issue, beginning with the very appellation for the specific norm regulation. The material analysed (proclamations by political, cultural and other organisations as well as corresponding constitutional and statutory provisions on language use) shows the differing treatment of the standard language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in different historical periods. During the period of Turkish rule (until 1878) there was no real political interest in the issue. Under Austro-Hungarian rule (1878-1918) there was an attempt to use the language as a means of forming a united Bosnian nation, but this was later abandoned. During the first Yugoslavia (1918-1941) a uniform solution was imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina, as throughout the Serbo-Croatian language area, while under the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945), the official language of Bosnia and Herzegovina was Croatian. The period from 1945 to 1991 had two phases: the first a standard language unity of Serbs, Croats, Muslims and Montenegrins (until 1965), and the second a gradual but stormy separation of national languages, which has been largely completed since 1991. The introductory study includes a detailed analysis of all the expressions used, with special reference to the present state, and accompanies the collection of documents which represent the main outcome of the research.