176 resultados para Apartheid


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This article examines the role of oral history in the social construction of collective memory and forgetting. The article presents a case study of a South African public accounting firm's attempt to document the history of race relations within the firm through the publication of a collection of oral histories. The research draws from the sociology of memory and recent scholarship on individual and collective memory in South Africa to analyze the firm's account of its experiences in making the transition from Apartheid to a multiracial democracy. The analysis finds that the firm's portrayal of its history reflects a narrative of reconciliation and redemption that minimizes the deep social and economic divisions that characterize South Africa's past, their relevance to accounting history, and the continuing salience of race to employment in public accounting.

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Music Education, as well as cultural and musical identities are all being renegotiated, post-Apartheid, within the so-called 'newer' rather than the commonly known 'new' South Africa. The developing situation with certain minority groups is particularly interesting. Education in general has undergone much change since the first democratic elections in 1994: music education specifically has been affected by such change in terms of content, delivery and assessment. Within the South African context, cultural and musical identities are often intertwined with language, racial and even tribal identities, and discussing one implies the others. We are particularly interested here in the role of formal Music Education in relation to white Afrikaners and Indians as they renegotiate their cultural development, including musical aspects

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This paper examines the experiences of black Africans in South Africa who became Chartered Accountants in the 1990s. Building on previous work on marginalized groups within the accounting profession, the study relies on interviews with 22 of those who overcame steep educational, economic, racial, cultural, and political obstacles to join a profession that had fewer than 1% black Africans as members. The interviews indicate that those black Africans who did manage to become CAs in the 1990s shared many common characteristics and experiences. They and their families placed a high value on education and made tremendous sacrifices to meet the requirements to earn the CA certification. Many overcame extreme poverty in their childhoods and attended poorly equipped schools. All were exceptionally accomplished academically, most qualifying for scholarships offered only to the very top black African students in the country. Most faced educational disruptions due to boycotts and political protests that shut down schools and many black universities in the years immediately prior to the bringing down of the apartheid regime. All faced racial discrimination in housing and education. Few had ever met a chartered accountant before enrolling in university; many had never heard of the certification until that point. In the 1990s when they entered some of the major firms to meet their training requirements, they were typically not given the same opportunities as their white peers. Now that they have become Chartered Accountants, and the government has changed and instituted affirmative action policies, most find that they are often offered jobs outside of public accounting. Still only composing about one percent of all chartered accountants, in a country that is 75% black African, most believed that the main road towards overcoming this disparity is through radical efforts to equalize educational opportunities in South Africa across racial lines. Most make professional decisions based at least in part on the opportunities a given position offers towards contributing to the black community.


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This thesis examines, interrelates and contextualizes concepts of race, place and self by employing an amalgam of autobiography, interviews, literature, political analysis, infant research and psychoanalytic theory. Although the examples and narratives are South African based, principles that emerge have universal implications. Scars of apartheid mark oppressed, bystanders and beneficiaries.

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I use the metaphor zebra crossing in my reflective narrative to describe my plight and struggle as a non-white person growing up and working in Johannesburg, South Africa, during the apartheid era. This article considers and compares the notions of culture, diversity and identity as I now work in a tertiary institution in Melbourne, Australia. I reflect on my teaching of African music and position myself as ‘the other’ at zebra crossings, as I create a space in multicultural Australia. By engaging in meaningful dialogue with music and culture, I contend, we do have opportunity to explore, experience and express music making and sharing globally. The inclusion and embracing of non-western music can serve as a dais for understanding and celebrating cultural difference not as distant experiences but as integral aspects of our daily lives.

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The Government of India never publicly criticised the White Australia policy. Nonetheless it was a subject of constant reporting to New Delhi by the Indian High Commission in Canberra.  The Australian High Commission in New Delhi regularly reported criticism of the policy in the Indian press and in elite opinion.  It urged the introduction of a quota for Indian immigration to Australia, but ministers remained unwilling to modify the policy in any substantial way, in the period under study.  South Africa's apartheid policy was a far more serious problem in race relations for the Indian Government.  The existence of the White Australia policy when countries such as Canada had introduced quotas for Indian immigration, suggested an Australia mired in attitudes irrelevant to a decolonising world.  The Australian High Commissioner thought that although Nehru made no public comments on the policy, he must have felt insulted by its existence.

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Este artigo analisa a persistência da marginalização e da exclusão social apesar da pretensa democratização da informação que estaria sendo viabilizada pela introdução de novas tecnologias nos meios de comunicação de massa, nas escolas e nos currículos escolares. Essas novas tecnologias (TV, vídeos, computadores conectados à Internet), tendo sido apropriadas pela Indústria Cultural, continuam produzindo analfabetos e os chamados analfabetos funcionais bem como, mais recentemente, os analfabetos ponto com. Tais recursos não vêm resultando em maior conhecimento e participação dos indivíduos nas decisões políticas e nos bens socio-culturais que ficam restritos a uma pequena minoria, a qual se poderia chamar pelo substantivo cidadão. A tentativa de superação dos modismos pedagógicos, buscando uma educação crítica e criativa em direção a objetivos emancipadores, é tarefa ainda a ser realizada.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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O objeto central da pesquisa que deu origem a esta tese de doutorado foi analisar os efeitos segregativos que os grandes projetos urbanos provocam sobre as condições de moradia nas metrópoles amazônicas de Belém e Manaus. Adotam-se as projeções teóricas que interpretam a dinâmica urbana enquanto produto da acumulação do capital e que gera segregação social, numa perspectiva que permite comparar intervenções urbanas nessas duas metrópoles. Em cada uma dessas cidades, grandes projetos urbanos estão sendo implantados. Para efeito deste estudo, as experiências do Projeto Portal da Amazônia, em Belém-Pará e o Programa de Saneamento Ambiental dos Igarapés Manaus (PROSAMIM), na cidade Manaus-Amazonas, foram analisados como experiências de grandes projetos urbanos na Amazônia. O referencial teórico-metodológico teve a contribuição das teorias produzidas pela Escola Sociológica francesa, as anglo-saxônicas e as brasileiras, permitindo a construção de um pensamento crítico sobre a lógica que permeia os grandes projetos urbanos nas metrópoles amazônicas. Para isso, elegeu-se um procedimento operacional do tipo quali-quantitivo, tendo em dados primários e secundários as principais fontes de informação, materializadas por documentos históricos, oficiais, dados estatísticos, observação direta e realização de entrevistas com lideranças dos movimentos em defesa da moradia e da reforma urbana, moradores das áreas afetadas direta e indiretamente pelos programas em estudo e agentes de órgãos públicos. Os principais resultados são a constatação de que nas metrópoles amazônicas o processo de urbanização vem se dando desde o final do século XIX, com o advento da economia gomífera, intensificando-se a partir do Golpe Militar de 1964, quando foram fortalecidos os processos de exploração de recursos naturais e de adensamento populacional, com consequentes alterações físico-territoriais em Belém e Manaus. Nos anos recentes, as duas cidades vêm acompanhando o movimento de globalização do capital, ao adotarem os grandes projetos urbanos como a principal estratégia de renovação urbana, com suporte técnico e financeiro do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID). Por fim, estes resultados apontaram efeitos segregativos, determinados pela implantação destes grandes projetos urbanos, uma vez que as ações de deslocamento compulsório impactaram de forma negativa a condição de moradia e trabalho de expressivas frações das classes trabalhadoras, tornando inacessível o Direito à Cidade, tanto em Belém como em Manaus.

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Nelson Mandela has been an example of fighting and going over the adversities since his prison in 1962 until his election to be the president of South Africa in 1994. His effort against the apartheid in South Africa might be compared to a classical hero according to the anthropological view of Eliade (1972), Campbell (1991; 2007) and Propp’s structuralist perspective (1984). His journey toward heroism and his strategies to get the adhesion of the white minority (Afrikaners) to his purposes of joining the races in South Africa will be analyzed in this article with the theoretical support of the Greimasian semiotics, Propp’s studies (1984) and anthropology. The movie Invictus will be the object of analysis as it shows the moment of Mandela’s social-political fight as the president, with the support of the local rugby team in order to have the racial integration in the country and the political support of the white minority.

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The elusive fiction of J. M. Coetzee is not a work in which you can read fixed ethical stances. I suggest testing the potentialities of a logic based on frames and double binds in Coetzee's novels. A double bind is a dilemma in communication which consists on tho conflicting messages, with the result that you can’t successfully respond to neither. Jacques Derrida highlighted the strategic value of a way of thinking based on the double bind (but on frames as well), which enables to escape binary thinking and so it opens an ethical space, where you can make a choice out of a set of fixed rules and take responsibility for it. In Coetzee’s fiction the author himself can be considered in a double bind, seeing that he is a white South African writer who feels that his “task” can’t be as simply as choosing to represent faithfully the violence and the racism of the apartheid or of choosing to give a voice to the oppressed. Good intentions alone do not ensure protection against entering unwittingly into complicity with the dominant discourse, and this is why is important to make the frame in which one is always situated clearly visible and explicit. The logic of the double bind becomes the way in which moral problem are staged in Coetzee’s fiction as well: the opportunity to give a voice to the oppressed through the same language which co-opted to serve the cause of oppression, a relation with the otherness never completed, or the representability of evil in literature, of the secret and of the paradoxical implications of confession and forgiveness.

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This dissertation consists of three papers. The first paper "Ethnicity, Migration and Conflict: Evidence from Contemporary South Africa” exploits some of the institutional changes intervened in South Africa during the end of apartheid to investigate the relationship between ethnic diversity and conflict. I find within-ethnic polarization to be significantly related to the intensity of armed confrontations among black-dominated groups. My investigation thus gives strong and robust empirical support to the theoretical arguments which identify ethnic diversity as one of the determinants of civil conflict. The second chapter, "Pre-Colonial Centralization, Colonial Activities and Development in Latin America", investigates the hypothesis that pre-colonial ethnic institutions shaped contemporary regional development in Latin America. I document a strong and positive relationship between pre-colonial centralization and regional development. Results are in line with the view that highly centralized pre-colonial societies acted as a persistent force of agglomeration of economic activities and a strong predictor of colonial state capacity. The results provide a first evidence of the existence of a link between pre-colonial centralization, colonial institutional arrangements and contemporary economic development. The third paper "Bite and Divide: Malaria and Ethnic Diversity” investigates the role of malaria as a fundamental determinant of modern ethnic diversity. This paper explores the hypothesis, that a large exposure to malaria has fostered differential interactions that reduced contacts between groups and increased interactions within them Results document that malaria increases the number of ethnic groups at all levels of spatial disaggregation and time periods (exploiting historical and current ethnic diversity). Regressions' results show that endogamous marriages are more frequent in areas with higher geographic suitability to malaria. The results are in line with the view that malaria increases intra-ethnic interactions while decreasing inter-ethnic ones.

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How does the South African writer Nadine Gordimer handle the post- apartheid period in her works? That is the guiding question of this research work limited to Gordimer’s novel entitled The Pickup. The analysis of the aesthetic structures of this novel reveals it as essentially based on migratory phenomena. From the way Gordimer tackles the question of migration, it appears that the real accused is representation which has manifested itself through colonisation. Those are the hypothesis that the present work tries to verify using the post- colonial theory.

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This paper focuses on adolescents who live in divided societies and how they navigate those divisions as they develop as civic actors. The study sites are Northern Ireland, South Africa, and the United States. In each setting we collected surveys, conducted focus groups with teachers and students, and followed students through the 9th and 10th grades in a case study classroom. In all locales, the students used materials from Facing History and Ourselves, and their teachers had participated in workshops on using those materials. In this paper we follow a case study student from the United States who provides a particularly complex look at issues of division and ethical civic development. The student, Pete, is a white immigrant from South Africa, studying in a multi-ethnic and multi-racial school in the United States. He confronts his South African legacies in the context of a foreign school system, which is working to help U.S. students confront their own legacies. Across two, one-semester, citizenship classes, Pete shows us the tension between an academic stance and a moral/emotional stance. When moral dilemmas become complex for him, he begins to lose his ability to judge. Teacher support and guidance is critical to help students like Pete learn to hold their moral ground, while understanding why others act as they do.

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South African land restitution, by way of which the post-apartheid state compensates victims of racial land dispossession, has been intimately linked to former homelands: prototypical rural claims are those of communities that lost their rights in land when being forcibly relocated to reserves and they now aspire to return to their former lands and homes from their despised ‘homelands’. However, white farmers, who were also dispossessed (although usually compensated) by the apartheid state in the latter’s endeavour to consolidate existing homelands, have lodged restitution claims as well. While the Land Claims Court has principally admitted such restitution claims and ruled upon the merits of individual cases, state bureaucrats, legal activists, as well as other members of the public have categorically questioned and challenged such claims to land rights by whites. Focussing on white land claimaints effected by the establishment of former KwaNdebele, this paper investigates the contested field of moral entitlements emerging from divergent discourses about the true victims and beneficiaries of apartheid. It pays particular attention to land claims pertaining to the western frontier of KwaNdebele – the wider Rust de Winter area, which used to be white farmland expropriated in the mid-1980s for consolidation (that never occurred) and currently vegetates as largely neglected no-man’s-(state-)land under multiple land claims. Being the point of reference for state officials, former white farmers, Ndebele traditionalists, local residents, and other citizens, this homeland frontier is hence analysed as a fateful zone of contestation, in which the terms of a new South African moral community are negotiated.