Whole-person care: from rhetoric to reality. Achieving parity between mental and physical health.

The report presents evidence on a range of factors affecting disparity between mental and physical health, and includes case studies and examples of good practice to illustrate some of the key issues and solutions. It should be seen as the first stage of an on-going process over the next 5"10 years that will deliver parity for mental health and make whole-person care a reality. It builds on the Implementation Framework for the Mental Health Strategy in providing further analysis of why parity does not currently exist, and the actions required to bring it about. A parity approach should enable NHS and local authority health and social care services to provide a holistic, whole person response to each individual, whatever their needs, and should ensure that all publicly funded services, including those provided by private organisations, give people's mental health equal status to their physical health needs. Central to this approach is the fact that there is a strong relationship between mental health and physical health, and that this influence works in both directions. Poor mental health is associated with a greater risk of physical health problems, and poor physical health is associated with a greater risk of mental health problems. Mental health affects physical health and vice versa. The report makes a series of key recommendations for the UK government, policy-makers and health professionals. Recommendations include: The government and the NHS Commissioning Board should work together to give people equivalent levels of access to treatment for mental health problems as for physical health problems, agreed standards for waiting times, and agreed standards for emergency/crisis mental healthcare. Action to promote good mental health and to address mental health problems needs to start at the earliest stage of a person's life and continue throughout the life course. Preventing premature mortality " there must be a major focus on improving the physical health of people with mental health problems. Public health programmes must include a focus on the mental health dimension of issues commonly considered as physical health concerns, such as smoking, obesity and substance misuse. Commissioners need to regard liaison doctors (who work across physical and mental healthcare) as an absolute necessity rather than an optional luxury. NHS and social care commissioners should commission liaison psychiatry and liaison physician services to drive a whole-person, integrated approach to healthcare in acute, secure, primary care and community settings, for all ages. Mental health services and mental health research must receive funding that reflects the prevalence of mental health problems and their cost to society. Mental illness is responsible for the largest proportion of the disease burden in the UK (22.8%), larger than that of cardiovascular disease (16.2%) or cancer (15.9%). However, only 11% of the NHS budget was spent on NHS services to treat mental health problems for all ages during 2010/11. Culture, attitudes and stigma " zero-tolerance policies in relation to discriminatory attitudes or behaviours should be introduced in all health settings to help combat the stigma that is still attached to mental illness within medicine. Political and managerial leadership is required at all levels. There should be a mechanism at national level for driving a parity approach to relevant policy areas across government; all local councils should have a lead councillor for mental health; all providers of specialist mental health services should have a board-level lead for physical health and all providers of physical healthcare services should have a board-level lead for mental health. The General Medical Council (GMC) and Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC) should consider how medical and nursing study and training could give greater emphasis to mental health. Mental and physical health should be integrated within undergraduate medical education.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Quality assurance in road traffic analyses in Switzerland.

Swiss laboratories performing toxicological road traffic analyses have been authorized for many years by the Swiss Federal Roads Office (FEDRO). In 2003 FEDRO signed a contract with the Swiss Society of Legal Medicine (SSLM) to organize the complete quality management concerning road traffic analyses. For this purpose a multidisciplinary working group was established under the name of "road traffic commission (RTC)". RTC has to organize external quality control, to interpret the results of these controls, to perform audits in the laboratories and to report all results to FEDRO. Furthermore the working group can be mandated for special tasks by FEDRO. As an independent organization the Swiss Center for Quality Control (CSCQ) in Geneva manages the external quality controls in the laboratory over the past years. All tested drugs and psychoactive substances are listed in a federal instruction. The so-called 'zero tolerance substances' (THC, morphine, cocaine, amphetamine, methamphetamine, MDMA and MDEA) and their metabolites have to be tested once a year, all other substances (benzodiazepines, zolpidem, phenobarbital, etc.) periodically. Results over the last years show that all laboratories are generally within the confidence interval of +/-30% of the mean value. In cases of non-conformities measures have to be taken immediately and reported to the working group. External audits are performed triennially but accredited laboratories can combine this audit with the approval of the Swiss Accreditation Service (SAS). During the audits a special checklist filled in by the laboratory director is assessed. Non-conformities have to be corrected. During the process of establishing a new legislation, RTC had an opportunity of advising FEDRO. In collaboration with FEDRO, RTC and hence SSLM can work actively on improving of quality assurance in road traffic toxicological analyses, and has an opportunity to bring its professional requests to the federal authorities.

Driving under the influence of cocaine or therapeutic administration of cocaine?

Introduction: In forensic toxicology, cocaine is better known for its powerful stimulating effects of nervous system and its high potential for recreational abuse, than for his therapeutic use. However, cocaine is still use as a topical anesthetic and peripheral vasoconstrictor in surgeries of eye, ear, nose and throat. Last decade, an increase of the presence of cocaine and metabolites in blood samples of drivers suspected to drive under the influence of drugs (DUID) was observed in Switzerland (Augsburger et al., Forensic Sci Int 153 (2005) 11-15; Senna et al., Forensic Sci Int 198 (2010) 11-16). Observed blood concentration ranges of cocaine and benzoylecgonine were 10-925 μg/L and 20-5200 μg/L, respectively. Since 2005, zero-tolerance approach was introduced in the Swiss legislation for different substances, especially cocaine (analytical cutoff: 15 μg/L). Thus, the interpretation often amounts to determine if the concentration is situated above or under the limit. However, it is important for the interpretation to take into account the context and to be critical with the obtained results, at the risk of ending in erroneous conclusions. Methods: Systematical toxicological analyses were performed on blood and urine, if available, for 5 DUID cases, as already published (Augsburger et al., Forensic Sci Int 153 (2005)). Positive results were confirmed and drugs were quantified in biological samples by GCMS, GC-MS/MS or LC-MS/MS. Results: Administration of cocaine after traffic accident was identified in five cases. All people were admitted to the emergency room because of severe trauma. Maxillofacial surgery was done shortly after admission to the emergency room, involving use of nasal application of cocaine (swab). For all cases, use of cocaine swab was not mentioned in the document filled by the police and by medical staff requested for blood and urine sampling. The information was obtained retrospectively after consultation of the medical records, without precise indication of the application time or dose. Case 1. A 83-year old man (pedestrian) was hit by a car. Blood (+11h after the accident): cocaine (16 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (370 μg/L). Urine: cocaine (1700 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (560 μg/L). Case 2. A 84-year old woman (pedestrian) was hit by a car. Blood (+1.5h after the accident): cocaine (230 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (370 μg/L). Urine was not available. Hair (+4 months after the accident): segment 1 (0-2 cm), cocaine not detected; segment 2 (2-4 cm), cocaine: <0.5 ng/mg. Case 3. A 66-year old man was involved in a car/car accident. He died 2 hours and 5 minutes after the crash. Blood (+1.5h after the accident): cocaine and metabolites not detected. Blood (+2h after the accident): cocaine (1750 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (460 μg/L). Blood (post-mortem): cocaine (370 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (200 μg/L). Urine (+1.5h after the accident): cocaine not detected. Case 4. A 57-year old woman on a motor scooter was hit by a car. She died 2 hours and 10 minutes after the crash. Blood (+0.5h after the accident): cocaine and metabolites not detected. Urine (post-mortem): cocaine (<20 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (120 μg/L). Case 5. A 30-year old man was involved in a car accident. Blood (+4h after the accident): cocaine (29 μg/L), benzoylecgonine (< 20 μg/L). Urine (+4h after the accident): cocaine and metabolites not detected. Ethanol (1,32 g/kg) and cannabinoids (THC (2,0 μg/L), THCCOOH (38 μg/L)) were also detected in blood. Conclusion: To our knowledge, this is the first description of DUID cases involving therapeutic use of cocaine after an accident. These results indicate that even if a per se law is effective for prosecution case of DUID, a critical interpretation of the results is always needed, especially if a medical intervention occurs after an accident.

First nationwide study on driving under the influence of drugs in Switzerland.

In Switzerland, a two-tier system based on impairment by any psychoactive substances which affect the capacity to drive safely and zero tolerance for certain illicit drugs came into force on 1 January 2005. According to the new legislation, the offender is sanctioned if Delta(9)-tetrahydrocannabinol THC is >or=1.5ng/ml or amphetamine, methamphetamine, 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA), 3,4-methylenedioxyethylamphetamine (MDEA), cocaine, free morphine are >or=15ng/ml in whole blood (confidence interval+/-30%). For all other psychoactive substances, impairment must be proven in applying the so-called "three pillars expertise". At the same time the legal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for driving was lowered from 0.80 to 0.50g/kg. The purpose of this study was to analyze the prevalence of drugs in the first year after the introduction of the revision of the Swiss Traffic Law in the population of drivers suspected of driving under the influence of drugs (DUID). A database was developed to collect the data from all DUID cases submitted by the police or the Justice to the eight Swiss authorized laboratories between January and December 2005. Data collected were anonymous and included the age, gender, date and time of the event, the type of vehicle, the circumstances, the sampling time and the results of all the performed toxicological analyses. The focus was explicitly on DUID; cases of drivers who were suspected to be under the influence of ethanol only were not considered. The final study population included 4794 DUID offenders (4243 males, 543 females). The mean age of all drivers was 31+/-12 years (range 14-92 years). One or more psychoactive drugs were detected in 89% of all analyzed blood samples. In 11% (N=530) of the samples, neither alcohol nor drugs were present. The most frequently encountered drugs in whole blood were cannabinoids (48% of total number of cases), ethanol (35%), cocaine (25%), opiates (10%), amphetamines (7%), benzodiazepines (6%) and methadone (5%). Other medicinal drugs such as antidepressants and benzodiazepine-like were detected less frequently. Poly-drug use was prevalent but it may be underestimated because the laboratories do not always analyze all drugs in a blood sample. This first Swiss study points out that DUID is a serious problem on the roads in Switzerland. Further investigations will show if this situation has changed in the following years.

Grundriss innovativer Polizeiansätze. Eine kritische Begutachtung verschiedener Strategien und Tätigkeiten und deren Implementierung in der Schweiz in Theorie und Praxis.

This thesis contains three parts. The first one offers the theoretical basement, where the history of the police from their beginning in the early 19th century to this day is shown. The emphasis however is laid on the last 40 years, which gave birth to a multitude of innovations, such as community, problem-oriented, hot-spots or zero-tolerance policing. Those innovations are described in detail and are critically commented. At the end of this section, I present a scheme, where all the approaches are classified as strategic or methodic innovations, but united under a model called "modern policing". The fact that the innovations are not competitive but rather complementary is the most important finding of this examination. The second part of this work deals with a unique survey about the implementation of four innovations and eight problem- and community-oriented activities in 85 Swiss police forces. This explorative study shows that in the last 15 years the Swiss police forces have increasingly adopted innovative approaches. The most frequent innovation is community policing, which has been implemented all over the country. Due to the results, we can also assume that the implementation of the innovations is mostly substantial and profound. However, particularly in the area of problem-solving there is still a need for improvements. The third section consists of a scientific evaluation of a temporary special unit of the municipal police Zurich, which, during nine months, fought against public drug dealing and illegal prostitution in a particular neighborhood called Langstrasse. The effects of this hot-spot project were measured with police data, observations and several population surveys. In general, the special unit achieved a positive outcome and helped to defuse the hot-spot. Additionally, a survey conducted within the police department showed that the personal attitude towards the special unit differed widely between the policemen. We found significant differences between both police regions East and West, rank-and-file and higher ranking officers, different ages and the personal connection to the special unit. In fact, the higher the rank, the lower the age, and the closer the relationship, the more positive the officers were towards the unit.

Weed or wheel! FMRI, behavioural, and toxicological investigations of how cannabis smoking affects skills necessary for driving.

Marijuana is the most widely used illicit drug, however its effects on cognitive functions underling safe driving remain mostly unexplored. Our goal was to evaluate the impact of cannabis on the driving ability of occasional smokers, by investigating changes in the brain network involved in a tracking task. The subject characteristics, the percentage of Δ(9)-Tetrahydrocannabinol in the joint, and the inhaled dose were in accordance with real-life conditions. Thirty-one male volunteers were enrolled in this study that includes clinical and toxicological aspects together with functional magnetic resonance imaging of the brain and measurements of psychomotor skills. The fMRI paradigm was based on a visuo-motor tracking task, alternating active tracking blocks with passive tracking viewing and rest condition. We show that cannabis smoking, even at low Δ(9)-Tetrahydrocannabinol blood concentrations, decreases psychomotor skills and alters the activity of the brain networks involved in cognition. The relative decrease of Blood Oxygen Level Dependent response (BOLD) after cannabis smoking in the anterior insula, dorsomedial thalamus, and striatum compared to placebo smoking suggests an alteration of the network involved in saliency detection. In addition, the decrease of BOLD response in the right superior parietal cortex and in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex indicates the involvement of the Control Executive network known to operate once the saliencies are identified. Furthermore, cannabis increases activity in the rostral anterior cingulate cortex and ventromedial prefrontal cortices, suggesting an increase in self-oriented mental activity. Subjects are more attracted by intrapersonal stimuli ("self") and fail to attend to task performance, leading to an insufficient allocation of task-oriented resources and to sub-optimal performance. These effects correlate with the subjective feeling of confusion rather than with the blood level of Δ(9)-Tetrahydrocannabinol. These findings bolster the zero-tolerance policy adopted in several countries that prohibits the presence of any amount of drugs in blood while driving.

Les Neurosciences au Tribunal: de la responsabilité à la dangerosité

In recent years, an explosion of interest in neuroscience has led to the development of "Neuro-law," a new multidisciplinary field of knowledge whose aim is to examine the impact and role of neuroscientific findings in legal proceedings. Neuroscientific evidence is increasingly being used in US and European courts in criminal trials, as part of psychiatric testimony, nourishing the debate about the legal implications of brain research in psychiatric-legal settings. During these proceedings, the role of forensic psychiatrists is crucial. In most criminal justice systems, their mission consists in accomplishing two basic tasks: assessing the degree of responsibility of the offender and evaluating their future dangerousness. In the first part of our research, we aim to examine the impact of Neuroscientific evidence in the assessment of criminal responsibility, a key concept of law. An initial jurisprudential research leads to conclude that there are significant difficulties and limitations in using neuroscience for the assessment of criminal responsibility. In the current socio-legal context, responsibility assessments are progressively being weakened, whereas dangerousness assessments gain increasing importance in the field of forensic psychiatry. In the second part of our research we concentrate on the impact of using neuroscience for the assessment of dangerousness. We argue that in the current policy era of zero tolerance, judges, confronted with the pressure to ensure public security, may tend to interpret neuroscientific knowledge and data as an objective and reliable way of evaluating one's dangerousness and risk of reoffending, rather than their responsibility. This tendency could be encouraged by a utilitarian approach to punishment, advanced by some recent neuroscientific research which puts into question the existence of free will and responsibility and argues for a rejection of the retributive theory of punishment. Although this shift away from punishment aimed at retribution in favor of a consequentialist approach to criminal law is advanced by some authors as a more progressive and humane approach, we believe that it could lead to the instrumentalisation of neuroscience in the interest of public safety, which can run against the proper exercise of justice and civil liberties of the offenders. By advancing a criminal law regime animated by the consequentialist aim of avoiding social harms through rehabilitation, neuroscience promotes a return to a therapeutical approach to crime which can have serious impact on the kind and the length of sentences imposed on the offenders; if neuroscientific data are interpreted as evidence of dangerousness, rather than responsibility, it is highly likely that judges impose heavier sentences, or/and security measures (in civil law systems), which can be indeterminate in length. Errors and epistemic traps of past criminological movements trying to explain the manifestation of a violent and deviant behavior on a biological and deterministic basis stress the need for caution concerning the use of modern neuroscientific methods in criminal proceedings.

Rikottujen ikkunoiden nollatoleranssi. Tutkimus New Yorkin rikoksentorjunnan uuskonservatiivi-mallista Suomessa

Väitöskirja on kriminologista kontrollin ja rikoksentorjunnan tutkimusta sekä poliisitutkimusta. Kohteena on ympäri maailmaa levinnyt nollatoleranssiksi kutsuttu järjestyspoliisistrategia. Strategiaa kokeiltiin vuosituhannen vaihteessa vuoden kestäneessä järjestyksenvalvonnan hankkeessa Tampereella. Vaikka kyseessä oli kokeilu, niin tutkimuksessa osoitetaan toimintatavan olleen ja olevan pitkälti kiinteä osa perinteistä suomalaisen järjestyspoliisin toimintaperiaatetta. Artikkeliväitöskirja sisältää viisi vuosina 1998–2005 julkaistua kirjoitusta. Kokoavan yhteenvetoartikkelin tutkimusongelmat ovat seuraavat: Millaisia ovat Yhdysvaltojen ja Suomen järjestyspoliisitoiminnan nollatoleranssien mekanismien, kontekstien ja vaikutusten keskeiset erot ja yhtäläisyydet? Millainen on Tampereen nollatoleranssikokeilu ja New Yorkin rikottujen ikkunoiden nollatoleranssi rikoksentorjunnan arvioinnin ja moraalisäätelyn esimerkkeinä? Tampereen kokeilun prosessi- ja vaikuttavuusarviointitutkimus koostaa tutkimuksen empiirisen aineiston. Hankkeen alku- ja loppumittauksena toimi lomakekysely tamperelaisille (2 x n2000). Lisäksi analyysissä käytettiin kansalaiskyselyn uhrikyselyä, poliisin rikos- ja päivystyskeskustilastoja, Tilastokeskuksen tilastoja, hankkeen suoritelomakkeita sekä rangaistusvaatimus- ja rikesakkolomakkeita sekä kouluterveystutkimuksia. Tampereen poliiseille tehtiin lomakekysely ja teemahaastatteluja. Sosiaali-, nuoriso- ja vapaaehtoistyöntekijöitä sekä yli viisikymmentä tamperelaista nuorta sekä kymmenkunta tamperelaista aikuista haastateltiin. Yhdysvaltojen osalta nojaudutaan verrattain suureen määrään julkaistua korkeatasoista ja ajankohtaista kriminologista tutkimusta. New Yorkiin ja Yhdysvaltoihin sovelletussa hallintavalta- ja moraalisäätelyanalyysissa rikotut ikkunat -teoria osoittautuu uuskonservatiiviseksi moraaliprojektiksi, joka opastaa kaupunkeja hankkimaan itselleen oikeuden tiukkaan järjestyksenvalvontaan. Aiemmin sen oli estänyt kansalaisoikeusmyönteinen lakien tulkinta. New Yorkissa ja Tampereella syntyi useita kielteisiä sivu- ja vastavaikutuksia, kuten ongelmien siirtymistä (displacement). Tämä on yksi keskeinen tulos tilannetorjunnan ja kontrollin tehostamisen ja kohdistamisen hankkeissa. Tulokset haastavat arvioimaan kriittisesti, ovatko kaikki lapsiin ja nuoriin kohdistuvat varhaisen puuttumisen hankkeet seuraustensa perusteella oikeutettuja.

Remaking place and securitising space: Urban regeneration and the strategies, tactics and practices of policing in the UK

Urban regeneration programmes in the UK over the past 20 years have increasingly focused on attracting investors, middle-class shoppers and visitors by transforming places and creating new consumption spaces. Ensuring that places are safe and are seen to be safe has taken on greater salience as these flows of income are easily disrupted by changing perceptions of fear and the threat of crime. At the same time, new technologies and policing strategies and tactics have been adopted in a number of regeneration areas which seek to establish control over these new urban spaces. Policing space is increasingly about controlling human actions through design, surveillance technologies and codes of conduct and enforcement. Regeneration agencies and the police now work in partnerships to develop their strategies. At its most extreme, this can lead to the creation of zero-tolerance, or what Smith terms 'revanchist', measures aimed at particular social groups in an effort to sanitise space in the interests of capital accumulation. This paper, drawing on an examination of regeneration practices and processes in one of the UK's fastest-growing urban areas, Reading in Berkshire, assesses policing strategies and tactics in the wake of a major regeneration programme. It documents and discusses the discourses of regeneration that have developed in the town and the ways in which new urban spaces have been secured. It argues that, whilst security concerns have become embedded in institutional discourses and practices, the implementation of security measures has been mediated, in part, by the local socio-political relations in and through which they have been developed.

Amostragem sequencial de sementes de soja e feijão na detecção de Sclerotinia sclerotiorum

Pós-graduação em Agronomia (Agricultura) - FCA

Justiça terapêutica: o tribunal das drogas na sociedade de controle

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Sistemi di sicurezza urbana

Il problema della sicurezza/insicurezza delle città, dalle grandi metropoli sino ai più piccoli centri urbani, ha sollecitato negli ultimi anni un’attenzione crescente da parte degli studiosi, degli analisti, degli organi di informazione, delle singole comunità. La delinquenza metropolitana viene oggi diffusamente considerata «un aspetto usuale della società moderna»: «un fatto – o meglio un insieme di fatti – che non richiede nessuna speciale motivazione o predisposizione, nessuna patologia o anormalità, e che è iscritto nella routine della vita economica e sociale». Svincolata dagli schemi positivistici, la dottrina criminologica ha maturato una nuova «cultura del controllo sociale» che ha messo in risalto, rispetto ad ogni visione enfatizzante del reo, l’esigenza di pianificare adeguate politiche e pratiche di prevenzione della devianza urbana attraverso «tutto l’insieme di istituzioni sociali, di strategie e di sanzioni, che mirano a ottenere la conformità di comportamento nella sfera normativa penalmente tutelata». Tale obiettivo viene generalmente perseguito dagli organismi istituzionali, locali e centrali, con diverse modalità annoverabili nel quadro degli interventi di: prevenzione sociale in cui si includono iniziative volte ad arginare la valenza dei fattori criminogeni, incidendo sulle circostanze sociali ed economiche che determinano l’insorgenza e la proliferazione delle condotte delittuose negli ambienti urbani; prevenzione giovanile con cui si tende a migliorare le capacità cognitive e relazionali del minore, in maniera tale da controllare un suo eventuale comportamento aggressivo, e ad insegnare a genitori e docenti come gestire, senza traumi ed ulteriori motivi di tensione, eventuali situazioni di crisi e di conflittualità interpersonale ed interfamiliare che coinvolgano adolescenti; prevenzione situazionale con cui si mira a disincentivare la propensione al delitto, aumentando le difficoltà pratiche ed il rischio di essere scoperti e sanzionati che – ovviamente – viene ponderato dal reo. Nella loro quotidianità, le “politiche di controllo sociale” si sono tuttavia espresse in diversi contesti – ed anche nel nostro Paese - in maniera a tratti assai discutibile e, comunque, con risultati non sempre apprezzabili quando non - addirittura – controproducenti. La violenta repressione dei soggetti ritenuti “devianti” (zero tolerance policy), l’ulteriore ghettizzazione di individui di per sé già emarginati dal contesto sociale, l’edificazione di interi quartieri fortificati, chiusi anche simbolicamente dal resto della comunità urbana, si sono rivelate, più che misure efficaci nel contrasto alla criminalità, come dei «cortocircuiti semplificatori in rapporto alla complessità dell’insieme dei problemi posti dall’insicurezza». L’apologia della paura è venuta così a riflettersi, anche fisicamente, nelle forme architettoniche delle nuove città fortificate ed ipersorvegliate; in quelle gated-communities in cui l’individuo non esita a sacrificare una componente essenziale della propria libertà, della propria privacy, delle proprie possibilità di contatto diretto con l’altro da sé, sull’altare di un sistema di controllo che malcela, a sua volta, implacabili contraddizioni. Nei pressanti interrogativi circa la percezione, la diffusione e la padronanza del rischio nella società contemporanea - glocale, postmoderna, tardomoderna, surmoderna o della “seconda modernità”, a seconda del punto di vista al quale si aderisce – va colto l’eco delle diverse concezioni della sicurezza urbana, intesa sia in senso oggettivo, quale «situazione che, in modo obiettivo e verificabile, non comporta l’esposizione a fattori di rischio», che in senso soggettivo, quale «risultante psicologica di un complesso insieme di fattori, tra cui anche indicatori oggettivi di sicurezza ma soprattutto modelli culturali, stili di vita, caratteristiche di personalità, pregiudizi, e così via». Le amministrazioni locali sono direttamente chiamate a garantire questo bisogno primario di sicurezza che promana dagli individui, assumendo un ruolo di primo piano nell’adozione di innovative politiche per la sicurezza urbana che siano fra loro complementari, funzionalmente differenziate, integrali (in quanto parte della politica di protezione integrale di tutti i diritti), integrate (perché rivolte a soggetti e responsabilità diverse), sussidiarie (perché non valgono a sostituire i meccanismi spontanei di prevenzione e controllo della devianza che si sviluppano nella società), partecipative e multidimensionali (perché attuate con il concorso di organismi comunali, regionali, provinciali, nazionali e sovranazionali). Questa nuova assunzione di responsabilità da parte delle Amministrazioni di prossimità contribuisce a sancire il passaggio epocale «da una tradizionale attività di governo a una di governance» che deriva «da un’azione integrata di una molteplicità di soggetti e si esercita tanto secondo procedure precostituite, quanto per una libera scelta di dar vita a una coalizione che vada a vantaggio di ciascuno degli attori e della società urbana nel suo complesso». All’analisi dei diversi sistemi di governance della sicurezza urbana che hanno trovato applicazione e sperimentazione in Italia, negli ultimi anni, e in particolare negli ambienti territoriali e comunitari di Roma e del Lazio che appaiono, per molti versi, esemplificativi della complessa realtà metropolitana del nostro tempo, è dedicata questa ricerca. Risulterà immediatamente chiaro come il paradigma teorico entro il quale si dipana il percorso di questo studio sia riconducibile agli orientamenti della psicologia topologica di Kurt Lewin, introdotti nella letteratura sociocriminologica dall’opera di Augusto Balloni. Il provvidenziale crollo di antichi steccati di divisione, l’avvento di internet e, quindi, la deflagrante estensione delle frontiere degli «ambienti psicologici» in cui è destinata a svilupparsi, nel bene ma anche nel male, la personalità umana non hanno scalfito, a nostro sommesso avviso, l’attualità e la validità della «teoria del campo» lewiniana per cui il comportamento degli individui (C) appare anche a noi, oggi, condizionato dalla stretta interrelazione che sussiste fra le proprie connotazioni soggettive (P) e il proprio ambiente di riferimento (A), all’interno di un particolare «spazio di vita». Su queste basi, il nostro itinerario concettuale prende avvio dall’analisi dell’ambiente urbano, quale componente essenziale del più ampio «ambiente psicologico» e quale cornice straordinariamente ricca di elementi di “con-formazione” dei comportamenti sociali, per poi soffermarsi sulla disamina delle pulsioni e dei sentimenti soggettivi che agitano le persone nei controversi spazi di vita del nostro tempo. Particolare attenzione viene inoltre riservata all’approfondimento, a tratti anche critico, della normativa vigente in materia di «sicurezza urbana», nella ferma convinzione che proprio nel diritto – ed in special modo nell’ordinamento penale – vada colto il riflesso e la misura del grado di civiltà ma anche delle tensioni e delle contraddizioni sociali che tormentano la nostra epoca. Notevoli spunti ed un contributo essenziale per l’elaborazione della parte di ricerca empirica sono derivati dall’intensa attività di analisi sociale espletata (in collaborazione con l’ANCI) nell’ambito dell’Osservatorio Tecnico Scientifico per la Sicurezza e la Legalità della Regione Lazio, un organismo di supporto della Presidenza della Giunta Regionale del Lazio al quale compete, ai sensi dell’art. 8 della legge regionale n. 15 del 2001, la funzione specifica di provvedere al monitoraggio costante dei fenomeni criminali nel Lazio.

Review of Complete Crime and Punishment Series

Some examples of topics covered include undocumented immigrants, guns, and terrorism within Crime and Criminal Behavior, vigilantes, Miranda warnings, and zero-tolerance policing within Police and Law Enforcement; insanity laws, DNA evidence, and victims' rights within Courts, Law, and Justice; gangs and prison violence, capital punishment, and prison privatization within Corrections; and school violence, violent juvenile offenders, and age of responsibility within Juvenile Crime and Justice. Note that Sage offers numerous reference works that provide focused analysis of key topics in the field of criminal justice, such as the Encyclopedia of Crime and Punishment (2002), the Encyclopedia of Race and Crime (2009), the Encyclopedia of Victimology and Crime Prevention (2010), the Encyclopedia of White Collar & Corporate Crime (2004), and the Encyclopedia of Interpersonal Violence (2008), available in print or as e-books via Sage Reference online.

For Safety’s Sake: A Case Study of School Security Efforts and Their Impact on Education Reform

Several studies have shown that the need to create safe and orderly schools has increasingly been addressed in a manner that disconnects these priorities from broader concerns related to student success, school culture, and child development. In this paper, we explore the consequences of expanding security procedures in response to an incident involving interracial conflict at an urban high school in the United States. We offer this case study to demonstrate how the primacy placed on safety and security resulted in the neglect of other important educational goals, such as academic engagement and a positive school culture. Through an analysis of observational, interview, focus group, and survey data, we show that while it is essential for schools to take measures that ensure the safety of students and staff, it is equally important for safety to be recognized as part of a larger set of goals that schools must concurrently pursue in order to meet the educational and developmental needs of the students they serve.