Les facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique

Cette recherche vise à apporter un éclairage sur les facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique. De manière spécifique, elle poursuit trois principaux objectifs. Premièrement, nous cherchons à définir la notion de dialogue social et les termes qui y sont généralement associés tels que la concertation, la consultation, le tripartisme, le partenariat, la négociation collective, etc. Deuxièmement, nous faisons le point sur l’État du dialogue social au Québec, notamment en décrivant son évolution historique, les acteurs impliqués, les objets abordés et les instances de dialogue. Certaines comparaisons entre la culture québécoise de concertation et celles caractérisant d’autres cultures (Canada, États-Unis, Europe) sont par ailleurs présentées. De plus, ce tour d’horizon des différents lieux de dialogue social permettra de mieux saisir les composantes de la concertation en lien avec le développement économique, plus particulièrement, sur les façons de planifier le développement économique d’une manière socialement responsable (Papadakis, 2010). Troisièmement, une analyse empirique des facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique est effectuée. Pour atteindre les objectifs et répondre à notre question de recherche, nous articulons cette recherche en deux phases. Dans un premier temps, une cartographie des instances de dialogue social au Québec et la collecte de données auprès d’instances québécoises sont établies. Cette première phase permet également d’identifier quels sont les facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique généralement reconnus au sein de la littérature. Afin de mieux saisir ces facteurs et par conséquent, bonifier le modèle d’analyse, l’étude s’appuie sur une série d’entretiens exploratoires réalisés au Québec, mais aussi en France où la culture de dialogue social économique semble plus développée. Ce mouvement itératif entre la littérature et les entretiens exploratoires effectués permet de construire un modèle d’analyse des facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique. Dans un second temps, ce modèle d’analyse est testé en se concentrant sur deux organismes de concertation économique au Québec. Au sein de ces organismes ont été rencontrés des acteurs syndicaux, patronaux et gouvernementaux. L’entretien a été retenu comme la méthode de collecte de données utilisée auprès des individus (Gavard-Perret, Gotteland, Haon et Jolibert, 2008) et plus spécifiquement, des entretiens semi-directifs auprès des répondants afin de leur laisser la liberté de s’exprimer de façon plus large sur les questions et possiblement apporter de nouveaux éléments pouvant enrichir le modèle. La méthode de l’appariement logique sert à analyser les réponses aux questionnaires d’entrevues (Yin, 1994) et à les comparer aux propositions de recherche. Au plan théorique, l’apport des théories néo-institutionnalistes permet d’approfondir nos constats en lien avec la naissance et le développement des institutions de dialogue social. L’analyse de nos résultats nous permet de vérifier la théorie sur la création des institutions qui se veut la prise de conscience d’une problématique par les acteurs qui perçoivent leur implication au sein des institutions comme une façon de résoudre cette situation. Nous vérifions également la notion d’acteur dominant via le double rôle de l’acteur gouvernemental comme participant et comme donneur d’argent. Finalement, notre recherche a permis de confirmer notre modèle d’analyse tout en le raffinant par l’ajout de nouveaux facteurs déterminants de la concertation économique. Les entrevues que nous avons réalisées nous ont permis d’apporter des nuances et de préciser la portée des facteurs déterminants tirés de la littérature. Notre analyse confirme trois de nos propositions de recherche telle que formulées et deux autres le sont que partiellement. Nos constats confirment en effet que la volonté réelle des parties à travailler ensemble, la présence d’intérêts communs et la participation de l’État sont tous des facteurs qui ont un impact positif sur la concertation économique. La question de la confiance est nécessaire pour la poursuite de la concertation. En appui aux travaux antérieurs sur la question, nous avons observé que la confiance entre les acteurs influence positivement le déroulement de la concertation économique. Nous avons toutefois constaté qu’un certain niveau de méfiance réside entre les acteurs qui participent à ce processus, ces derniers représentant des organisations distinctes qui ont leurs intérêts propres. Pour permettre la concertation entre acteurs, le niveau de confiance doit être plus élevé que le niveau de méfiance. Nos observations nous ont aussi permis d’établir des liens entre la présence des facteurs déterminants et l’atteinte de résultats par la concertation, mais nous ne pouvons pas déterminer leur importance relative: nous ne pouvons donc pas prétendre qu’un plus grand nombre de facteurs réunis va assurer la réussite du processus de concertation ou s’il s’agit plutôt de la présence de certains facteurs qui auraient plus d’impact sur les résultats. Notre recherche fournit un apport important à la littérature sur la concertation puisqu’elle a permis de cerner de nouveaux facteurs déterminants à la réussite de ce processus. Les entretiens réalisés ont montré que le « contrôle des égos » des acteurs de la concertation et la mise en place de mécanismes permettant une intégration réussie des nouveaux participants au processus constituent des facteurs à ne pas négliger. De plus, notre recherche a permis de raffiner notre modèle conceptuel puisque nous avons été en mesure de cerner différents sous-facteurs qui permettent d’approfondir l’analyse des facteurs déterminants de la concertation. Notre recherche comporte toutefois certaines limites puisque les institutions comparées présentent des différences importantes en termes de culture et le nombre restreint d’organisme étudié limite grandement la généralisation des résultats.

European Union and its member states as a collective actor in WTO decision-making process. ACES Cases No. 2010.3

This paper will outline and analyze the decision-making process in WTO matters. First, the players of the decision-making process -- the Council of the European Union (Council), the Trade Policy Committee, the Commission, and the European Parliament -- will be examined. Then the distinction will be made between decision-making in initiating WTO disputes and decision-making conducting trade agreement negotiations in the WTO. Then, decision-making practices in WTO matters will be assessed against constitutional principles of transparency, accountability, and legitimacy. After this assessment, conclusions will be drawn.

Le contrôle des pratiques anticoncurrentielles au sein des marchés de l'Union Européenne, des États-Unis et du Canada : perspectives d'un droit antitrust international

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires"

A União Europeia, actor da segurança humana

O presente ensaio pretende situar o conceito de Segurança Humana no seio de uma vasta reflexão académica que entronca nas questões de segurança e reflectir sobre se a Segurança Humana, enquanto abordagem académica aparentemenete demasiado ampla e indefinida, é operacionável pela União Europeia enquanto actor de gestão de crises internacionais. Terminamos com a lembrança da atribuição do Prémio Nobel da Paz à União Europeia, questionando o impacto desta distinção no projecto normativo dos pequenos passos e da solidariedade partilhada que os seus pais fundadores preconizaram.

The European Union and the Arms Trade Treaty: An Analysis of the EU’s Effectiveness in Multilateral Security Governance. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 3/2013

This paper examines the participation of the European Union (EU) in the multilateral negotiations of the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). Given the EU’s declared commitment to effective multilateralism and dedication to act as a global security provider, the paper analyses to what extent the EU can be seen as an effective actor in supporting and promoting the ATT. It is argued that overall the EU was an effective player during the multilateral negotiations on the ATT, but the degree of its effectiveness varied along different dimensions. The EU was relatively successful in the achievement of its goals and in maintaining external cohesion during the negotiations, but it scored relatively low in its efforts to commit other major players to sign up to the ATT. The high level of institutional cooperation and the convergence of EU member states’ interests facilitated the EU’s effectiveness in the ATT negotiations, whereas the international context proved to be the major constraining factor.

Shifting Between Hegemony and Dominance? A Neo-Gramscian Analysis of the EU as a Structural Foreign Policy Actor: The Singular Case of the Cariforum-EU Economic Partnership Agreement. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 01/2014

The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.

More Union in European Defence. CEPS Task Force Report, 26 February 2015

Years of uncoordinated cuts in defence spending have eroded the EU’s role as a security actor in what is now a multipolar world. This CEPS Task Force report aims to provide member states and the EU institutions with the narrative to strengthen defence cooperation in the EU, in the face of numerous emergencies in the EU’s strategic neighbourhood and ever-present security threats. The report is a record of the deliberations over several months between high-level experts in the field of European security and defence, who conclude that the Treaty of Lisbon demands and permits a great deal more in terms of our common security and defence activities. And that member states could achieve much more value for money than the €190 billion that they spend to keep up 28 national armies, comprising roughly 1.5 million service personnel. This report suggests policy actions to further the EU’s strategic, institutional, capabilities, and resources cooperation in the field of defence. Ultimately, in the view of the Task Force experts, further integration should amount to a European Defence Union.

Civilian Power Europe in the Arctic: How Far Can the European Union Go North? College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 01/2015

The EU Arctic policy, initiated in the European Commission’s Communication “The European Union and the Arctic region” in 2008, was created to respond to the rising expectations that the European Union would have a bigger stake in this region which was gaining in importance due to its ecologic vulnerability, economic potential and clashing political interests of the global powers. Whether the European Union managed to establish itself as a significant actor in the Arctic through this new policy is open for discussion. Arguably, while the genuine interest and influence of the EU institutions was there to give a kick-start to this initiative, the pressure of the traditional and still dominant members of the regional Arctic system has been sufficient so far to effectively prevent it from realizing its full potential.

The European Union and global security: is the EU becoming the indispensable partner? EU Centre Singapore Background Brief No. 11, April 2014

The European Union has developed new capacity as a security actor in third countries, in particular in the area of crisis management. Over the past two decades the EU has deployed numerous missions, both of a civilian and military nature. Moreover the EU has defined its ability to intervene all along the ‘crisis cycle’, (from prevention to mediation, from peace-keeping to post-conflict reconstruction) and using all tools at its disposal (taking a ‘comprehensive approach’). However the EU is still not perceived as a major security provider globally and interventions remain limited to some geographic areas, mostly in its neighbourhood and Africa, with just a few examples further afield. The EU also tends to avoid taking direct action and seems to prefer partnership arrangements with other players. How can we explain the growing activism and number of EU’s intervention with the low impact and lack of visibility? Can we expect the EU to become more active in the future, taking on more responsibility and leading roles in addressing conflict situations? This paper will argue that the main reason for the EU’s hesitant role in crisis management is to be found in the weak decision-making provisions for EU’s security interventions, as one of the few policy areas still subject to consensus amongst 28 European Union Member States. Lack of a clearer delegation of competence or stronger coordination structures is closely linked to low legitimacy for the EU to take more robust action as a security actor. In order to overcome this legitimacy problem, and in order to facilitate consensus amongst Member States, the EU thus privileges partnership arrangements with other actors who can provide legitimacy and know-how, such as the UN or the African Union. As there is no political desire in the EU for tighter decision-making in this area, we can expect that the EU will continue to play a supporting rather than leading role in crisis management, becoming the partner of choice as it deepens its experience. However this does not mean that the EU is playing just a secondary role in the wider area of security, in particular when looking at nontraditional security. Looking at the role of the EU in Asia, where the EU has deployed just two missions, this paper will offer a broader assessment of the EU as a partner in the area of security taking into account different types of actions. The paper will argue that in order to strengthen cooperation with Asian partners in the area of crisis management, the EU will need to define better what it is able to offer, present its actions as part of an overall strategy rather than ad-hoc and piecemeal, and enter into partnership arrangements with different players in the region.

Europe as International Actor: Maximizing Nation-State Sovereignty. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 06.3, 1996

The continually increasing literature on foreign- and security-policy dimensions of the European Union (EU) has provided no remedy for the widespread helplessness in gaining a purchase on Europe as an international actor. The basic hindrance to understanding this policy comes from an all-too-literal interpretation of the acronym involved: the CFSP is understood as a total or partial replacement of the nation-states' foreign and security policy. This article aims to point the way to a new understanding of the CFSP in which this policy is not based on the integration of nation­ state foreign and security policy. I suggest that the proper way to grasp the phenomenon of the CFSP is to describe it as an international regime whose goal is to administer links between economic integration and foreign- and security­ policy cooperation in the sense of maximizing the sovereignty of member states. This requires, on the one hand, the prevention of "spillovers" from the economic area that could interfere with the foreign- and security-policy indepen­ dence of member states. On the other hand, it demands applying the EU's economic potential to reinforce the foreign- and security-policy range of member states. Due to the logic of this policy, CFSP priorities and fields of ac­ tion differ profoundly from those of a national foreign and security policy. Expectations on the evolution of the CFSP must be aware of these basic characteristics of this policy.

Financial regulation in the European Union: A research agenda. CES Papers - Open Forum #10, 2012

Over the past two decades, the European Union (EU) has become a central actor in financial regulation and developed complex institutions to fulfill its roles. Pre-financial crisis scholarship has provided key insights into the functioning of this institutional cobweb and its evolution over time. However, the financial crisis has highlighted four facets of EU financial regulation (EUFR) that deserve more scholarly attention than they have received so far: (1) the permissive pre-crisis consensus on the merits of financial liberalization and integration, (2) the embeddedness of financial regulation in the political economy of EU integration at large, (3) preference formation of public and private stakeholders in EUFR, and (4) the global economic and regulatory context of EUFR. This paper presents the key scholarly challenges across these four areas. Addressing them promises not only academic insights but also promotes the relevance of EUFR research for real-world policy dilemmas.

Approaches to issues of job regulation. A study at branch level in a white collar, public sector trade union. Available in 2 volumes.

This study examines the internal dynamics of white collar trade union branches in the public sector. The effects of a number of internal and external factors on branch patterns of action are evaluated. For the purposes of the study branch action is taken to be the approach to issues of job regulation, as expressed along the five dimensions of dependence on the outside trade union, focus in issues adopted, initiation of issues, intensity of action in issue pursuit and representativeness. The setting chosen for the study is four branches drawn from the same geographical area of the National and Local Government Officers Association. Branches were selected to give a variety in industry settings while controlling for the potentially influential variables of branch size, density of trade union membership and possession of exclusive representational rights in the employing organisation. Identical methods of data collection were used for each branch. The principal findings of the study are that the framework of national agreements and industry collective bargaining structures are strongly related to the industrial relations climate in the employing organisation and the structures of representation within the branch. Where agreements and collective bargaining structures formally restrict branch job regulation roles, there is a degree of devolution of bargaining authority from branch level negotiators to autonomous shop stewards at workplace level. In these circumstances industrial relations climate is characterised by a degree of informality in relationships between management and trade union activists. In turn, industrial relations climate and representative structures together with actor attitudes, have strong effects on all dimensions of approach to issues of job regulation.

The EU an actor sui generis? A Comparison of EU and ASEAN actorness

The core argument of this article is to advocate the recognition of regional organizations as international actors. Conceptions of the European Union (EU) as an international actor are not new. However, a great deal of the literature regards the EU as sui generis in nature and lacking in external capabilities when compared to nation-states. Other regional organizations, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) fare even worse. This article notes that we need to move beyond a state-centric view of world politics to assess the actor capabilities, nascent or advanced, of other players in the global arena, particularly regional organizations.

Germany and the European union:from 'tamed power' to normalized power?

Germany has traditionally played a key role in promoting European Union solutions to domestic policy problems. In doing so it gained a reputation as a 'tamed power' (Katzenstein). This article reviews Germany's diplomacy two decades after unification. It explores the 'tamed power' hypothesis with reference to three policy areas: constitutional reform in the EU; Justice and Home Affairs policy; and an issue that has made German European policy very salient of late, the management of the Eurozone. The article argues that Germany has become a much less inclusive actor in European policy, pursuing policy solutions through 'pioneer groups' where these offer greater promise than the EU itself and becoming increasingly attentive to domestic political constraints. The article argues that Germany has become a normalized power, with significant implications for the EU. © 2010 The Author(s). International Affairs © 2010 The Royal Institute of International Affairs.