912 resultados para notice of non-party disclosure


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In Deppro Pty Ltd v Hannah [2008] QSC 193 one of the matters considered by the court related to the requirement in r 243 of the Uniform Civil Procedure Rules 1999 (Qld) that a notice of non-party disclosure must “state the allegation in issue in the pleadings about which the document sought is directly relevant.”The approach adopted by the issuing party in this case of asserting that documents sought by a notice of non-party disclosure are relevant to allegations in numbered paragraphs in pleadings, and serving copies of the pleadings with the notice, is not uncommon in practice. This decision makes it clear that this practice is fraught with danger. In circumstances where it is not apparent that the non-party has been fully apprised of the relevant issues the decision suggests an applicant for non-party disclosure who has not complied with the requirements of s 243 might be required to issue a fresh, fully compliant notice, and to suffer associated costs consequences.

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In TSPD Pty Ltd v Resortrez Pty Ltd [2008] QSC 001 Fryberg J made an order permitting the applicant to inspect and copy documents which had been produced to the court under a subpoena, but had remained in the registry. Though not essential to the decision the judgment contains some interesting discussion about the construction of r 242 of the Uniform Civil Procedure Rules 1999 (Qld) (UCPR).

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In Smiley v Watson [2001] QCA 269 the Queensland Court of Appeal considered whether a notice of non-party disclosure, or the transfer of proceedings from one court to another was a 'step' in the proceeding for the purpose of r389 of the UCPR.

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In Newson v Aust Scan Pty Ltd t/a Ikea Springwood [2010] QSC 223 the Supreme Court examined the discretion under s 32(2) of the Personal Injuries Proceedings Act 2002 (Qld), to permit a document which has not been disclosed as required by the pre-court procedures under the PIPA to be used in a subsequent court proceeding. This appears to be the first time that the nature and parameters of the discretion have been judicially considered.

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Related-party (RP) transactions are said to be commonly used opportunistically in business and contribute to corporate failures. While periodic disclosure is widely accepted as an effective means of monitoring such transactions, research is scant, particularly in countries where business dealings may be more susceptible to corruption. This study investigates the nature and extent of corporate RP disclosures across six countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The key finding indicates that companies in countries with stronger regulatory enforcement, shareholders’ protection, and control for corruption, have more transparent RP disclosures. This evidence potentially contributes to reforms aimed at strengthening RP disclosure and compliance.

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The inclusion of non-ipsative measures of party preference (in essence ratings for each of the parties of a political system) has become established practice in mass surveys conducted for election studies. They exist in different forms, known as thermometer ratings or feeling scores, likes and dislikes scores, or support propensities. Usually only one of these is included in a single survey, which makes it difficult to assess the relative merits of each. The questionnaire of the Irish National Election Study 2002 (INES2002) contained three different batteries of non-ipsative party preferences. This paper investigates some of the properties of these different indicators. We focus in particular on two phenomena. First, the relationship between non-ipsative preferences and the choices actually made on the ballot. In Ireland this relationship is more revealing than in most other countries owing to the electoral system (STV) which allows voters to cast multiple ordered votes for candidates from different parties. Second, we investigate the latent structure of each of the batteries of party preferences and the relationships between them. We conclude that the three instruments are not interchangeable, that they measure different orientations, and that one –the propensity to vote for a party– is by far preferable if the purpose of the study is the explanation of voters’ actual choice behaviour. This finding has important ramifications for the design of election study questionnaires.

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Long term exposure to vehicle emissions has been associated with harmful health effects. Children are amongst the most susceptible group and schools represent an environment where they can experience significant exposure to vehicle emissions. However, there are limited studies on children’s exposure to vehicle emissions in schools. The aim of this study was to quantify the concentration of organic aerosol and in particular, vehicle emissions that children are exposed to during school hours. Therefore an Aerodyne compact time-of-flight aerosol mass spectrometer (TOF-AMS) was deployed at five urban schools in Brisbane, Australia. The TOF-AMS enabled the chemical composition of the non- refractory (NR-PM1) to be analysed with a high temporal resolution to assess the concentration of vehicle emissions and other organic aerosols during school hours. At each school the organic fraction comprised the majority of NR-PM1 with secondary organic aerosols as the main constitute. At two of the schools, a significant source of the organic aerosol (OA) was slightly aged vehicle emissions from nearby highways. More aged and oxidised OA was observed at the other three schools, which also recorded strong biomass burning influences. Primary emissions were found to dominate the OA at only one school which had an O:C ratio of 0.17, due to fuel powered gardening equipment used near the TOF-AMS. The diurnal cycle of OA concentration varied between schools and was found to be at a minimum during school hours. The major organic component that school children were exposed to during school hours was secondary OA. Peak exposure of school children to HOA occurred during school drop off and pick up times. Unless a school is located near major roads, children are exposed predominately to regional secondary OA as opposed to local emissions during schools hours in urban environments.

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In Kimtran Pty Ltd v Downie [2003] QDC 043 the court allowed in part an appeal from the refusal by the Queensland Building Tribunal to order the respondent liquidators pay the appellants' costs of proceedings in the Tribunal. The decision involved an examination of authorities which have considered the circumstances in which it is in the interests of justice to make an order for costs against a non-party.

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Non-thermal plasma (NTP) has been introduced over the past several years as a promising method for nitrogen oxide (NOx) removal. The intent, when using NTP, is to selectively transfer input electrical energy to the electrons, and to not expend this in heating the entire gas stream, which generates free radicals through collisions, and promotes the desired chemical changes in the exhaust gases. The generated active species react with the pollutant molecules and decompose them. This paper reviews and summarizes relevant literature regarding various aspects of the application of {NTP} technology on {NOx} removal from exhaust gases. A comprehensive description of available scientific literature on {NOx} removal using {NTP} technology is presented, including various types of NTP, e.g. dielectric barrier discharge, corona discharge and electron beam. Furthermore, the combination of {NTP} with catalyst and adsorbent for better {NOx} removal efficiency is presented in detail. The removal of {NOx} from both simulated gases and real diesel engines is also considered in this review paper. As {NTP} is a new technique and is not yet commercialized, there is a need for more studies to be performed in this field.

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Purpose: Pretargeted radioimmunotherapy (PRIT) using streptavidin (SAv)-biotin technology can deliver higher therapeutic doses of radioactivity to tumors than conventional RIT. However, "endogenous" biotin can interfere with the effectiveness of this approach by blocking binding of radiolabeled biotin to SAv. We engineered a series of SAv FPs that downmodulate the affinity of SAv for biotin, while retaining high avidity for divalent DOTA-bis-biotin to circumvent this problem.Experimental Design: The single-chain variable region gene of the murine 1F5 anti-CD20 antibody was fused to the wild-type (WT) SAv gene and to mutant SAv genes, Y43A-SAv and S45A-SAv. FPs were expressed, purified, and compared in studies using athymic mice bearing Ramos lymphoma xenografts.Results: Biodistribution studies showed delivery of more radioactivity to tumors of mice pretargeted with mutant SAv FPs followed by (111)In-DOTA-bis-biotin [6.2 +/- 1.7% of the injected dose per gram (%ID/gm) of tumor 24 hours after Y43A-SAv FP and 5.6 +/- 2.2%ID/g with S45A-SAv FP] than in mice on normal diets pretargeted with WT-SAv FP (2.5 +/- 1.6%ID/g; P = 0.01). These superior biodistributions translated into superior antitumor efficacy in mice treated with mutant FPs and (90)Y-DOTA-bis-biotin [tumor volumes after 11 days: 237 +/- 66 mm(3) with Y43A-SAv, 543 +/- 320 mm(3) with S45A-SAv, 1129 +/- 322 mm(3) with WT-SAv, and 1435 +/- 212 mm(3) with control FP (P < 0.0001)].Conclusions: Genetically engineered mutant-SAv FPs and bis-biotin reagents provide an attractive alternative to current SAv-biotin PRIT methods in settings where endogenous biotin levels are high. Clin Cancer Res; 17(23); 7373-82. (C)2011 AACR.

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Korea is one of the world's most volatile areas, not least because traditional UN mediation and peacekeeping missions are impossible. Having intervened in the Korean War on behalf of the southern side, the UN is a party to the conflict, rather than a neutral arbiter. The situation is particularly problematic because political interactions are characterized by a high degree of state-control over security policy. In both parts of the peninsula the state has, at least until recently, exercised the exclusive right to deal with the opponent on the other side of the hermetically divided peninsula. Given these domestic and international constrains, alternative approaches to conflict resolution are urgently needed. The recently proliferating literature on human security offers possible solutions, for it urges policy makers to view security beyond the conventional military-based defence of the state and its territory. Using such a conceptual framework, the essay assesses the potential significance non-state interactions between North and South, particularly those that promote communication, information exchange and face-to-face encounters. Even though these interactions remain limited, they are of crucial importance, for they provide an opportunity to reduce the stereotypical threat images that continue to fuel conflict on the peninsula.

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The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish party’s own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.