The 2008 Tibet riots : perspectives, divided group protests and divergent media narratives

Awareness of the power of the mass media to communicate images of protest to global audiences and, in so doing, to capture space in global media discourses is a central feature of the transnational protest movement. A number of protest movements have formed around opposition to concepts and practices that operate beyond national borders, such as neoliberal globalization or threats to the environment. However, transnational protests also involve more geographically discreet issues such as claims to national independence or greater religious or political freedom by groups within specific national contexts. Appealing to the international community for support is a familiar strategy for communities who feel that they are being discriminated against or ignored by a national government.

The Arab Spring and social media audiences : English and Arabic Twitter users and their networks

Although popular media narratives about the role of social media in driving the events of the 2011 “Arab Spring” are likely to overstate the impact of Facebook and Twitter on these uprisings, it is nonetheless true that protests and unrest in countries from Tunisia to Syria generated a substantial amount of social media activity. On Twitter alone, several millions of tweets containing the hashtags #libya or #egypt were generated during 2011, both by directly affected citizens of these countries and by onlookers from further afield. What remains unclear, though, is the extent to which there was any direct interaction between these two groups (especially considering potential language barriers between them). Building on hashtag data sets gathered between January and November 2011, this article compares patterns of Twitter usage during the popular revolution in Egypt and the civil war in Libya. Using custom-made tools for processing “big data,” we examine the volume of tweets sent by English-, Arabic-, and mixed-language Twitter users over time and examine the networks of interaction (variously through @replying, retweeting, or both) between these groups as they developed and shifted over the course of these uprisings. Examining @reply and retweet traffic, we identify general patterns of information flow between the English- and Arabic-speaking sides of the Twittersphere and highlight the roles played by users bridging both language spheres.

Thesis Eleven festival and cultural sociology public event : a report

From June 7th to 15th the Thesis Eleven Centre for Cultural Sociology at La Trobe University directed by Peter Beilharz put together a programme of public lectures, cultural events and master classes under the theme ‘Word, Image, Action: Popular Print and Visual Cultures’. This article reports on the highlights of the festival, including a forum titled ‘Does WikiLeaks Matter?, a half-day event ‘On Bauman’, and a public lecture by Ron Jacobs on ‘Media Narratives of Economic Crisis’.

Thesis Eleven's 'Festival of Ideas' : a report on 'what's wrong with television'

This article reports on the public lecture given by Associate Professor Ron Jacobs from the State University of New York in June, 2011. The lecture titled 'What’s wrong with television: media narratives of economic crisis', was held at The University of Melbourne in association with Thesis Eleven’s ‘Festival of Ideas’. In his talk, Jacobs discussed the ways in which media narratives inform and shape social life and described how major economic, social and political events are represented and re-told in the making of news.

Em nome das UPPs: uma análise das representações midiáticas sobre a ocupação da favela da Rocinha

Nessa dissertação procede-se à análise das narrativas do jornal O Globo durante a ocupação da favela da Rocinha pelas forças oficiais, em novembro de 2011. Pretende-se identificar as representações veiculadas pela mídia nesse especial momento da vida da cidade, que convive com a implantação do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora UPPs e a expectativa de recepcionar, nos próximos anos, dois megaeventos esportivos internacionais: a Copa do Mundo (2014) e as Olimpíadas (2016). O mote da pesquisa foi, através da análise das representações sobre o processo de ocupação, descobrir pistas que permitissem pensar o impacto dessa medida sobre a cidade e seus habitantes. Foi possível perceber que, diferentemente do que ocorria nas últimas décadas, a violência urbana não se apresentou como questão de grande interesse para o jornal, aparecendo apenas incidentalmente como eventos pontuais em um contexto predominantemente pacífico. Prevaleceu o discurso otimista em relação à cidade e seu futuro. Nesse sentido, diversas matérias registraram o sucesso da operação policial, comemorando a substituição da política policial de confronto pelas ações de inteligência, fator que teria permitido a retomada do morro sem que um tiro sequer fosse disparado. Ênfase especial foi dada às UPPs, sistematicamente representadas de forma positiva pelo jornal, moradores, empresários e especialistas, que apontariam o projeto como fator responsável pela onda de esperança e otimismo que envolve a cidade. As UPPs seriam, ainda, o elemento que permitiria, aos cariocas, ressignificar as favelas da cidade, afastando a aura de violência a elas associadas, fazendo desaparecer o medo que esses espaços da cidade historicamente causam na população em geral, integrando as favelas na cidade formal. O processo de pacificação das favelas do Rio de Janeiro, personificado nas UPPs, seria a ponte que permitiria, à cidade, se redescobrir, se reinventar, recuperando a alegria e a auto-estima, deixando para trás as décadas de pessimismo e desesperança. Observou-se, assim, que durante o período pesquisado, a dinâmica das narrativas rompeu com o padrão anterior de representação de cidade violenta, privilegiando o discurso da cidade pacificada, embora com episódios violentos pontuais.

Exploring the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios during the 2007/08 conflicts

Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles.

Pasado y futuro en la construcción de una “historia de Brasil” en el siglo XVIII (Estudios)

A partir de la conjugación entre historia de la historiografía e historia de la colonización portuguesa en América, este artículo propone el uso de las categorías pasado y futuro desarrolladas por Reinhart Koselleck como herramientas para la comprensión de los significados de construcción de una Historia de Brasil en el siglo XVIII. En esta perspectiva, el trabajo recurre a los soportes formales de las narrativas sobre el pasado colonial portugués, de matriz setecentista y seiscentista, así como a otras fuentes relacionadas. En este sentido, el artículo reevalúa las formas narrativas que, en los años posteriores a la independencia brasileña, forjaron un relato histórico unificador del pasado nacional.

Entre o sagrado e o profano: os efeitos de sentido revelados nos testemunhos de um blog evangélico

The testimonial is a way of statement that demonstrates or admit the existence of a reality with which the enunciator has contacted. This is, thus, pushed to say what he saw, heard or touched. In this paper, we verified the effects of senses produced in the blog of Bishop Macedo, founder of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG), from a corpus which consists of nine testimonies of presumed believersselected among 64 statements distributed during the year, 2012. Instead of instantaneous testimonials, on a live presentation, these media narratives are underpinned by attributes such as hyperlinks, visuals, language translators, besides mechanisms of interaction and sharing in other spheres from mediatic slant. The problem of this analysis was born from the observation of regular points in the discursive architecture of these testimonials, when was identified the existing relation force between the sacred and the profane, everyday practices. During six months, analysis of the empirical material, we found some effects of the senses on the testimonials, as the dialectic structure and the need for denuding a precarious past, an engagement to shield the figure of Macedo and the UCKG towards society; a update of a crusade against other religions; and the presence of certain sensuality in self-deprecation of the deponents, and an unequal relation of forces (sacred and profane) in the construction of truth. In order of succeeding in this investigation, we used the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Analysis of French Discourse (AD), denouncing the qualitative nature of the research. As a methodological principle, we still use transdisciplinarity, which validated some of our dialogues, especially with philosophy. The conception of discourse modeled by a media support and transpassed by the subject(s) and story (ies) characterized the perspective of the research

Déficit abrangência nas narrativas da contemporaneidade

O artigo analisa as narrativas da contemporaneidade, na vertente da reportagem, e cruza as práticas jornalísticas com o discurso científico da complexidade. Do intercâmbio inter e transdisciplinar, apresenta os desafios epistemológicos vivenciados nas mediações sociais da comunicação. Dessa forma, o presente texto desliza constantemente entre as narrativas das mídias brasileiras contemporâneas sobre temas emergentes e os suportes teóricos que desenvolveu em sua obra. Apontando as dinâmicas empíricas e a crise dos paradigmas teóricos, o artigo apresenta, ainda, um diagnóstico do deficit de complexidade nas práticas interpretativas da experiência coletiva.

The discursive construction of Japanese identity and its haunting others

This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan's national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce "postwar Japan" as an identity distinct from "wartime imperial Japan" or from "defeated, emasculated Japan" and, thus, hoped to emerge as a "reborn" moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created "others" who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked ("old Japan"). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical "others," and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan's foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.

El género epistolar en la prensa como visión ciudadana de la esfera pública en Colombia

A partir de un análisis temático inductivo, este artículo explora la visión ciudadana sobre la esfera pública expresada en las cartas de los lectores de los diarios El Tiempo y El Heraldo de Colombia. Los resultados muestran cómo la identidad colectiva de los lectores apareció en forma transversal en las cartas, para dar cuenta de una comunidad de adultos que se autodefine como “colombianos de bien”. El análisis reveló dos unidades de significado: posturas sobre la administración de lo público y antagonismos en la esfera pública, centrada en el conflicto político con las guerrillas. A través de estas se pudieron hacer visibles los llamamientos vívidos de los lectores al gobierno, funcionarios públicos, actores al margen de la ley y a sus compatriotas, para movilizarse para exigir cambios sociales largamente esperados.

The Discursive Construction of Japanese Identity and its Haunting Others

This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan’s national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce “postwar Japan” as an identity distinct from “wartime imperial Japan” or from “defeated, emasculated Japan” and, thus, hoped to emerge as a “reborn” moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created “others” who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked (“old Japan”). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical “others,” and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan’s foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.