Psychology and psychoanalysis in Brazil - From cultural syncretism to the collapse of liberal individualism

This paper focuses first on cultural syncretism, used to characterize Brazilian culture. The other aspect of this socially and racially blended culture is the unfinished assimilation of liberalism in politics and the economy, which defines Brazilian society. The increased assimilation and dissemination of psychology may be linked with these in cultural and social aspects. During the military period (1964-1974) the major expansion in university-level studies in psychology contributed ideologically to the dissemination of psychology throughout Brazilian society. This introduced a type of psychology that was related primarily to clinical practice and developed in opposition to social work practice. This paper examines the ideological bases for this conflict between clinical and social work. Criteria for understanding the cultural dissemination of psychoanalysis are then discussed, and it is argued that cultural incorporation of psychoanalysis involves the development of discourse complexes to reflect particular aspects of Brazilian society. The criteria (a non-totalitarian society and the displacement of a magical and religious interpretation of mental disturbance by psychiatric interpretation) are evaluated in relation to the peculiarities of Brazilian syncretism. The paper argues that cultural syncretism and the incomplete assimilation of liberal ideology must be included as criteria in understanding the particular cultural incorporation of psychoanalysis in Brazil.

Alfredo Pareja Diezcanseco y su sentido de la historia (Del Historiador y el Ensayista)

El autor revisa las indagaciones de Alfredo Pareja sobre la historia y la identidad, las cuales responden a una idea de nación mestiza. En la narrativa de Pareja, resalta un afán mesiánico, es laica, secular, y condicionada por una manera de pensar, organizar y narrar la Historia: desde las ideas liberales del siglo XIX y algunas consideraciones del socialismo. El énfasis en lo auténtico y lo propio conduce a rechazar, sin mayores consideraciones, lo «moderno» y lo extranjero. Así, en La hoguera bárbara presenta la cuestión religiosa solo desde la perspectiva oficial y laica, dando poco espacio a aquella de la Iglesia, o a la de dos obispos extranjeros, ambos «rebeldes»: Schumacher y Masiá. En cuanto a la visión de la historia en Pareja, sostiene que en La hoguera .. "" como en el Compendio para segunda enseñanza, se revelaría un sentido de ella al estilo de un BiJdungsroman a nivel de nación, conducido por las mencionadas ideas del liberalismo decimonónico y de algunas aspiraciones socialistas.

Formulação de políticas culturais: leis de incentivo e as inovações do Programa Cultura Viva

O presente trabalho analisa a formulação das políticas culturais no Brasil a partir da análise de dois casos bastante distintos: as leis de incentivo, formuladas no início da década de 1990, na esteira do neoliberalismo, e o Programa Cultura Viva, formulado no ano de 2004, no primeiro mandato do Presidente Lula. A partir da análise detalhada do contexto de formulação de cada uma das políticas culturais, bem como dos públicos efetivamente atendidos e dos valores disponibilizados, mostramos tratarse de duas formas de políticas culturais que apontam para diferentes horizontes em termos de cidadania cultural. Na questão das leis de incentivo, analisamos a passagem do modelo fordista de acumulação para a acumulação flexível, relacionando a importância das estratégias de branding para as novas formas da cultura do consumo. No caso do Programa Cultura Viva, analisamos quais os grupos privilegiados, delimitando os alcances e limites dessa política. Em nossa abordagem, apoiamo-nos no referencial gramsciano de hegemonia, relacionando-a fortemente com a cultura numa sociedade de classes. Dada à singularidade do conceito de sociedade civil na abordagem do pensador italiano, além da evidente relevância que essa esfera assume com o ideário neoliberal, faz-se necessário uma análise histórica de sua evolução, na busca de evidências que apontem para uma política emancipatória a partir das ações nessa esfera, e no seu relacionamento com o Estado e o mercado.

O lugar social do fisioterapeuta brasileiro

Este estudo visa compreender a produção do lugar social do fisioterapeuta brasileiro por meio de suas práticas. O material empírico utilizado foram 89 entrevistas, dados do I Censo de Fisioterapeutas do Estado de São Paulo e informações sobre os cursos de graduação em Fisioterapia no Brasil. A análise dos dados mostrou que o lugar social do fisioterapeuta está fortemente ligado ao modelo curativo, identificado com o ideário liberal-privatista, com instituições formadoras predominantemente privadas e concentradas na região Sudeste. Os resultados sustentam evidências de uma prática profissional fragmentada, estimulada pelo modelo hegemônico, mas também apresenta marcas de superação, mostrando a disputa de dois modelos na atenção à saúde: hegemônico e contra-hegemônico. O primeiro toma a parte pelo todo, fragmenta o conhecimento e o corpo, identifica-se com o liberalismo e tem a saúde como mercadoria; a organização dos serviços é centrada na doença e na especialização. O segundo, sem negar a importância do conhecimento técnico, valoriza as dimensões sociais e humanas na prática profissional, está centrado na pessoa e busca a integralidade e a interdisciplinaridade. Esse modelo permite ampliar a prática do fisioterapeuta para além da clínica, em direção a um lugar social mais humano e solidário, identificado com os princípios do Sistema Único de Saúde. Também permite repensar o atual lugar social, oferecendo parâmetros para a reorientação dos caminhos da profissão.

Contra o liberalismo, a favor da democracia: a concepção política da igreja católica em meados do século XX

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

A abdicação de D. Pedro I: espaço público da política e opinião pública no final do Primeiro Reinado

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

FÉ CRISTÃ E COMPROMISSO SOCIAL HOJE: UM DIÁLOGO COM O PENSAMENTO DE JOSÉ COMBLIN

Neste início de século percebemos que as implicações da ideologia neoliberal têm influenciado os mais variados setores da sociedade no mundo: social, econômico, cultural, político e também religioso, proporcionando aos mais ricos, sejam países ou pessoas, acúmulo de riquezas e privilégios e desprezo aos mais pobres e desfavorecidos, promovendo assim uma distância cada vez maior entre as classes e grupos sociais e formando uma mentalidade cada vez mais insensível e individualista nos cidadãos. Este trabalho efetuará uma pesquisa sobre a concepção de José Comblin em diálogo com alguns outros autores a respeito da fé cristã, que deve se expressar em uma efetiva práxis religiosa, também no âmbito público, o que significa que a fé cristã tem uma dimensão pública e que deve contribuir criticamente na transformação da nossa sociedade. Essa pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para uma maior compreensão e envolvimento da Igreja Cristã brasileira em comprometer-se junto a questões sociais mais abrangentes, como demonstração de seu entendimento sobre a fé por ela defendida e ensinada.(AU)

FÉ CRISTÃ E COMPROMISSO SOCIAL HOJE: UM DIÁLOGO COM O PENSAMENTO DE JOSÉ COMBLIN

Neste início de século percebemos que as implicações da ideologia neoliberal têm influenciado os mais variados setores da sociedade no mundo: social, econômico, cultural, político e também religioso, proporcionando aos mais ricos, sejam países ou pessoas, acúmulo de riquezas e privilégios e desprezo aos mais pobres e desfavorecidos, promovendo assim uma distância cada vez maior entre as classes e grupos sociais e formando uma mentalidade cada vez mais insensível e individualista nos cidadãos. Este trabalho efetuará uma pesquisa sobre a concepção de José Comblin em diálogo com alguns outros autores a respeito da fé cristã, que deve se expressar em uma efetiva práxis religiosa, também no âmbito público, o que significa que a fé cristã tem uma dimensão pública e que deve contribuir criticamente na transformação da nossa sociedade. Essa pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para uma maior compreensão e envolvimento da Igreja Cristã brasileira em comprometer-se junto a questões sociais mais abrangentes, como demonstração de seu entendimento sobre a fé por ela defendida e ensinada.(AU)

FÉ CRISTÃ E COMPROMISSO SOCIAL HOJE: UM DIÁLOGO COM O PENSAMENTO DE JOSÉ COMBLIN

Neste início de século percebemos que as implicações da ideologia neoliberal têm influenciado os mais variados setores da sociedade no mundo: social, econômico, cultural, político e também religioso, proporcionando aos mais ricos, sejam países ou pessoas, acúmulo de riquezas e privilégios e desprezo aos mais pobres e desfavorecidos, promovendo assim uma distância cada vez maior entre as classes e grupos sociais e formando uma mentalidade cada vez mais insensível e individualista nos cidadãos. Este trabalho efetuará uma pesquisa sobre a concepção de José Comblin em diálogo com alguns outros autores a respeito da fé cristã, que deve se expressar em uma efetiva práxis religiosa, também no âmbito público, o que significa que a fé cristã tem uma dimensão pública e que deve contribuir criticamente na transformação da nossa sociedade. Essa pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para uma maior compreensão e envolvimento da Igreja Cristã brasileira em comprometer-se junto a questões sociais mais abrangentes, como demonstração de seu entendimento sobre a fé por ela defendida e ensinada.(AU)

The Anxious Heart of Injustice: Negative Affective Responses to Disabilities

Essai / Essay

The Anxious Heart of Injustice: Negative Affective Responses to Disabilities

Essai / Essay

When theories become practice - a metaphorical analysis of adult-education school-leaders’ talk

Marketization has changed the education system. If we say that education is a market, this transforms the understanding of education and influences how people act. In this paper, adult-education school-leaders’ talk is analysed and seven metaphors for education are found: education as administration, market, matching, democracy, policy work, integration and learning. Exploring empirical metaphors provides a rich illustration of coinciding meanings. In line with studies on policy texts, economic metaphors are found to dominate. This should be understood not only as representing liberal ideology, as is often discussed in analyses of policy papers, but also as representing economic theory. In other words, contemporary adult education can be understood as driven by economic theories. The difference and relation between ideology and theory should be further examined since they have an impact on our society and on our everyday lives. (DIPF/Orig.)

When theories become practice—a metaphorical analysis of adult-education school-leaders’ talk

Marketization has changed the education system. If we say that education is a market, this transforms the understanding of education and influences how people act. In this paper, adult-education school-leaders’ talk is analysed and seven metaphors for education are found: education as administration, market, matching, democracy, policy work, integration and learning. Exploring empirical metaphors provides a rich illustration of coinciding meanings. In line with studies on policy texts, economic metaphors are found to dominate. This should be understood not only as representing liberal ideology, as is often discussed in analyses of policy papers, but also as representing economic theory. In other words, contemporary adult education can be understood as driven by economic theories. The difference and relation between ideology and theory should be further examined since they have an impact on our society and on our everyday lives.

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Why are people liberal? : a motivated social cognition perspective

The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslliberalism. By focussing on the political right and not considering the political left, there might be other motivational underpinnings of political orientation that have been overlooked. In four studies, the present dissertation ail)1ed to fill this gap by investigating what chronic and situationally induced needs underlie political orientation, with a focus on political liberalism. Based on psychological the9ries of ideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.