976 resultados para land-grab


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Food security is important. A rising world population coupled with climate change creates growing pressure on global world food supplies. States alleviate this pressure domestically by attracting agri-foreign direct investment (agri-FDI). This is a high-risk strategy for weak states: the state may gain valuable foreign currency, technology and debt-free growth; but equally, investors may fail to deliver on their commitments and exploit weak domestic legal infrastructure to ‘grab’ large areas of prime agricultural land, leaving only marginal land for domestic production. A net loss to local food security and to the national economy results. This is problematic because the state must continue to guarantee its citizens’ right to food and property. Agri-FDI needs close regulation to maximise its benefit. This article maps the multilevel system of governance covering agri-FDI. We show how this system creates asymmetric rights in favour of the investor to the detriment of the host state’s food security and how these problems might be alleviated.

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“Large-scale acquisition of land by foreign investors” is the correct term for a process where the verdict of guilt is often quicker than the examination. But is there something really new about land grab except in its extent? In comparison with colonial and post-colonial plantation operations, should foreign investors today behave differently? We generally accept coffee and banana exports as pro-growth and pro-development, just as for cars, beef and insurance. What then is wrong with an investment contract allowing the holder to buy a farm and to export wheat to Saudi Arabia, or soybeans and maize as cattle feed to Korea, or to plant and process sugar cane and palm oil into ethanol for Europe and China? Assuming their land acquisition was legal, should foreigners respect more than investment contracts and national legislation? And why would they not take advantage of the legal protection offered by international investment law and treaties, not to speak of concessional finance, infrastructure and technical cooperation by a development bank, or the tax holidays offered by the host state? Remember Milton Friedman’s often-quoted quip: “The business of business is business!” And why would the governments signing those contracts not know whether and which foreign investment projects are best for their country, and how to attract them? This chapter tries to show that land grab, where it occurs, is not only yet another symptom of regulatory failures at the national level and a lack of corporate social responsibility by certain private actors. National governance is clearly the most important factor. Nonetheless, I submit that there is an international dimension involving investor home states in various capacities. The implication is that land grab is not solely a question whether a particular investment contract is legal or not. This chapter deals with legal issues which seem to have largely escaped the attention of both human rights lawyers and, especially, of investment lawyers. I address this fragmentation between different legal disciplines, rules, and policies, by asking two basic questions: (i) Do governments and parliaments in investor home countries have any responsibility in respect of the behaviour of their investors abroad? (ii) What should they and international regulators do, if anything?

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Despite an increased scientific interest in the relatively new phenomenon of large-scale land acquisition (LSLA), data on the implementation of such projects and their impacts on the heterogeneous group of project-affected people are still sparse and superficial. Our ethnographic in-depth research on a Swiss-based bioenergy project in Sierra Leone generates well-documented data and provides insights into gendered access to land and wage employment. In the area where the project is located, customary land tenure applies. Thereby, women are structurally discriminated since they are not entitled to own land. However, user rights grant women and non-landowning men access to land and associated resources. Following the investing development banks’ guidelines, the company considered the local customary law when implementing its project. Nevertheless, the company only consulted and compensated landowners although women and non-landowning men could previously benefit from acquired land as well. Moreover, the company’s policy to enhance employment possibilities for women is barely implemented, and only few local women are hired. In order to cope with the transformed situation some women and non-landowning men continue to engage in subsistence farming on a reduced area of land. Others are involved in informal petty-trade or cooking food for the labourers whereby they subsidize the capitalist production of the company. In one village, women resisted additional land takes of the company. Acting within the framework of a specific power constellation on community level and simultaneously accommodating their claims within policy paradigms on transnational level, they were able to force a landowner to refuse leasing land to the company.

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This article examines how new legal strategies need to be adopted by indigenous peoples to react to the increasing phenomenon of ‘land grabbing’ taking place across the globe. In examining the specificity of the ‘land grab’ and how it particularly affects indigenous peoples, it analyses how new legal strategies targeting the investors need to be adopted by communities to mitigate some of the negative aspects of land grabbing. It argues that since the current ‘land grab’ is driven by investors it is important that indigenous peoples, and their supportive organisations, target investors and lending institutions which are behind the massive investments in land acquisitions.

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Despite the increasing acknowledgment of scholars and practitioners that many large-scale agricultural land acquisitions in developing countries fail or never materialize, empirical evidence about how and why they fail to date is still scarce. Too often, land deals are portrayed as straightforward investments and their success is taken for granted. Looking at the coffee sector in Laos, the authors of this article explore dimensions of the land grab debate that have not yet been sufficiently examined. Coffee concessionaires in southern Laos often fail to use all of the land granted them and fail to produce high yields on the land they do use. Thus, the authors challenge the often-assumed superiority and effectiveness of large-scale versus small-scale production, specifically the argument that they modernize agricultural production and optimize land use. They argue that examining failed investments is as important as studying successful ones for understanding the implications of the land grabbing phenomenon for social, economic, and environmental outcomes. Knowledge about the scale of “failed land deals” provides important motivation for national governments to close the gap between intentions and actual outcomes. This article engages with the current debate on quality of investment and challenges the approach of employing land concessions as a vehicle for economic development in the Lao coffee sector and in other sectors and countries.

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13/01/15 Funded by •Faculty of Management at Radboud University Nijmegen

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13/01/15 Funded by •Faculty of Management at Radboud University Nijmegen

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The flower industry has a reputation for heavy usage of toxic chemicals and polluting the environment, enormous consumption of water, and poor working condition and low wage level in various parts of the world. It is unfortunate that this industry is adamant to change and repeating the same mistakes in Ethiopia. Because of this, - there is a growing concern among the general public and the international community about sustainability of the Ethiopian flower industry. Consequently, working conditions in the flower industry, impacts of wage income on the livelihoods of employees, coping strategies of low wage flower farm workers, impacts of flower farms on the livelihoods of local people and environmental pollution and conflict, were analysed. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were employed. Four quantitative data sets: labour practice, employees’ income and expenditure, displaced household, and flower grower views survey were collected between 2010 and 2012. Robust regression to identify the determinants of wage levels, and Multinomial logit to identify the determinants of coping strategies of flower farm workers and displaced households were employed. The findings show the working conditions in flower farms are characterized by low wages, job insecurity and frequent violation of employees’ rights, and poor safety measures. To ensure survival of their family, land dispossessed households adopt a wide range of strategies including reduction in food consumption, sharing oxen, renting land, share cropping, and shifting staple food crops. Most experienced scarcity of water resources, lack of grazing areas, death of herds and reduced numbers of livestock due to water source pollution. Despite the Ethiopian government investment in attracting and creating conducive environment for investors, not much was accomplished when it comes to enforcing labour laws and environmental policies. Flower farm expansion in Ethiopia, as it is now, can be viewed as part of the global land and water grab and is not all inclusive and sustainable. Several recommendations are made to improve working conditions, maximize the benefits of flower industry to the society, and to the country at large.

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La convergence des crises mondiales financière, énergétique et alimentaire des dernières années a contribué à une intensification du contrôle de la terre par des intervenants étatiques et non-étatiques. Des entreprises nationales et transnationales, aidées par les gouvernements locaux, s’empressent d’acquérir de grandes superficies agricoles dans le but défini de produire des cultures de rentes pour la production d'agrocarburants. Parfois désigné « acquisition foncière », « investissement étranger en agriculture » ou « accaparement de terres », ce phénomène semble décrire le futur des politiques agricoles de nombreux pays. Aux Philippines, plusieurs accords sont en vigueur pour le développement de la filière des agrocarburants. Selon le gouvernement du pays, ces ententes, en plus de dynamiser le secteur de l’agriculture, peuvent générer des effets positifs au sein des régions rurales en sécurisant une part des revenus des agriculteurs engagés dans ce type de production, tout en favorisant la pluriactivité dans ces mêmes régions. Cette recherche a été réalisée dans les hautes-terres du sud de la province de Negros Oriental, où 10 000 hectares de terres agricoles ont été concédés à une entreprise coréenne spécialisée dans la production d’éthanol. Cette acquisition a mené à un processus d’exclusion et de dépossession par les élites traditionnelles au détriment des populations jusqu’alors tournées vers les productions vivrières. Ces populations ont été expulsées de la terre et privées des ressources constituant l’essentiel de leurs revenus. Suite à l’opposition des paysans, plusieurs détachements militaires se sont installés dans la région, menant à une intensification des conflits. Plusieurs unités paramilitaires se partagent dorénavant l’espace occupé initialement par ces paysans qui ont dû quitter en raison de l’augmentation de l’intimidation et de la violence. Cette recherche a permis d’examiner les façons dont les accaparements des terres transforment le système foncier antérieur à l'entente et modifient les conditions socioéconomiques d’une région caractérisée par un système hybride de production.

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Este artículo describe las transformaciones en la tenencia y uso de la tierra en Tibú (Norte deSantander) entre 2000 y 2010. Muestra que ellas fueron altamente concentradoras, masivas y generadas sucesivamente por dos vías: una coercitiva, operada por el paramilitarismo y otra, operada por empresarios y comisionistas de la tierra a través de un mercado anómalo y desregulado. Planteo que ambas vías son explicativas del land grab, conducen a fenómenosde acumulación por desposesión y que ninguna de las dos se puede entender sin dar cuenta de un conjunto de diseños institucionales y políticas públicas promovidas desde el Estado.

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ContentsTanzania 'land grab' criticizedIn the company of crowsKomen cancels grantState Gym to host grand openingCheck in Monday's Daily for Veishea concert lineupCyclones balance hype, maintain focus after winStudent forms club to speak for the apes based on 'The Lorax'

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As the clock is ticking for a positive outcome at the Ninth WTO Ministerial Conference to be held in Bali in December 2013, agricultural negotiators are scrambling to find solutions to issues such as tariff-rate quota (TRQ) administration and export competition in order to improve trade flows. The main issue seems to be whether WTO rules applying to public stockpiles in developing countries need to be changed or temporarily suspended as a means to enhance national food security. This paper is based on a note submitted to the ICTSD-IPC Expert Group “Meeting on Agriculture and Food Security – Policy Options for MC9 and beyond” (Geneva, June 2013). It lists the policy instruments impacting on global, national and (urban and rural) household food security – “The Food Security Tool Box” – and asks which immediate decisions the WTO Ministers might take in this field despite the political difficulties such as continued agro-dumping practices or the “land grab” issue. Three such “deliverables” are outlined: (i) regional and “virtual” food security schemes could be allowed to provide reserves to other countries without violating the obligation to “form an integral part of a food security programme identified in national legislation” (Agreement on Agriculture, Annex II, para 3); (ii) TRQ under-fills could be improved by mandatory enquiries into low fill rate situations; and (iii) World Food Program (WFP) and other non-commercial food purchases could be exempted from export restrictions and prohibitions. High ambitions for Bali seem to be misplaced. A more realistic yet real progress could restore the dwindling credibility of the WTO as a forum for trade negotiations.

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Algunos importadores netos de alimentos buscan satisfacer su demanda de materias primas agrícolas vía la inversión en tierras en países en desarrollo. Ha surgido así el "land grab", una amenaza a la seguridad alimentaria y el medio ambiente de los países menos avanzados. En la Cumbre Mundial sobre la Alimentación, celebrada en 1996, se definió la seguridad alimentaria como un estado en el que "todas las personas tienen en todo momento acceso físico y económico a suficientes alimentos inocuos y nutritivos para satisfacer sus necesidades alimenticias y sus preferencias en cuanto a los alimentos a fin de llevar una vida activa y sana". En el contexto actual de crecimiento demográfico e incremento del número de personas con un tipo de dieta más rica en proteína animal, se presenta el doble reto de alimentar a la población de manera adecuada y ambientalmente sostenible.