671 resultados para intangible heritage


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This paper is an attempt to explore the challenges of defining intangible heritage and ‘community’ in England. It uses as its case study the Museum of English Rural Life, University of Reading: an urban museum with a rural theme. The paper examines current theoretical discourse around the concept of the ‘first voice’ and debate about the role of museums in the preservation of intangible heritage. It then examines the relevance of these concepts to the identification of ‘rural’ intangible heritage stake holders in England. In this way, it shows the potential for concepts of intangible heritage to influence national museums. However, by applying theory and practice which is designed to support work with well-defined ‘originating communities’ to a national museum, it also highlights the challenges of initiating community engagement in a multicultural society.

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The preservation of tangible cultural heritage does not guarantee effective revitalisation of urban historic areas as a whole. The legacy of our history consists not only of paintings, sculptures, architectural monuments and public spaces, but also the safeguarding of immaterial aspects of social life, such as oral traditions, rituals, practices, knowledge and craft skills. From 1999 to 2013, 26 Brazilian cities benefited from the Monumenta Programme - a national cultural policy that involved institutions, the private sector and the local community. The purpose of the programme was to stimulate economic growth and increase cultural and social development of the historic centres. Moreover, it sought to increase the number of residents in the benefited areas as defined in its agenda (IDB, 1999; MinC & Programa Monumenta, 2006). Using the Historic Centre of Porto Alegre as a case study, this paper examines how this cultural programme enables demographic change through the promotion of intangible cultural heritage, e.g. by supporting educational projects. The demographic flow was analysed using the microdata of the Populations Censuses (years 2000 and 2010) available from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. The results showed an increase in low-income residents the areas that participated in the programme. This increase may have been motivated by a set of cultural-educational projects under the auspices of the Monumenta Programme. The retraining of artisans of Alfândega Square, the training of low-income youth for restoration work and the implementation of the "Black Route Museum in Porto Alegre" (Bicca, 2010) are just some examples of what was done to improve the local community's economy, to encourage social cohesion and to enhance the awareness of cultural diversity as a positive and essential value in society.

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This thesis investigates the crossover from and intersection between tangible and intangible heritage in the context of World Heritage. Since the start of the twenty-first century, intangible heritage has become increasingly important in international cultural heritage conservation theory and practice. In heritage literature, intangible heritage has been theorized in relation to tangible or built heritage, thereby extending the definition of cultural heritage to consider a holistic perspective. New heritage conservation instruments have been created for the protection of intangible heritage, such as most prominently the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. The changing conception of cultural heritage that goes beyond tangible heritage has also influenced existing instruments like the 1972 UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. The thesis studies how intangible heritage has been recognized and interpreted in implementing the concept of cultural heritage as defined by the World Heritage Convention. It examines the historical development of the concept of World Cultural Heritage with the aim of tracing the construction of intangible heritage in this context. The thesis consists of six chapters. The introduction sets out the research problem and research question. In the literature review, international cultural heritage conservation is portrayed as the research context, the knowledge gap between World Heritage and intangible heritage is identified and an understanding of the research problem deepened, and methods from similar research in the subject area are presented. The methodology in the third chapter describes choices made concerning the research paradigm, research approach and strategy, the use of concepts and illustrative examples, as well as data collection and analysis methods. Knowledge is constructed using primarily a historical approach and related methods. Through the analysis of pertinent documents and heritage discourses, an understanding of the concept of intangible heritage is developed and the concept of World Cultural Heritage is investigated. In the fourth chapter, intangible heritage is studied by looking at specific cultural heritage discourses, that is, a scientific, a UNESCO, and an ICOMOS discourse. Intangible heritage is theorized in relation to the concepts of tangible heritage, heritage value, and cultural heritage. Knowledge gained in this chapter serves as a theoretical lens to trace the recognition of and tease out interpretations of intangible heritage in the context of implementing the concept of World Cultural Heritage. The results are presented in chapter five. A historical development is portrayed in five time periods and for the concepts of cultural heritage, Outstanding Universal Value, the criteria to assess World Heritage value, and authenticity. The conclusion summarizes the main outcomes, assesses the thesis’ contribution to scientific knowledge as well as its limitations, and outlines possible further research. The main results include the identification of the term intangible heritage as an indicator for a paradigm shift and a new approach to conceiving cultural heritage in international cultural heritage conservation. By focusing on processes and the living relationship between people and their environment or place, intangible heritage emphasizes the anthropological. In the context of this conception, intangible heritage takes on two meanings. First, value is attributed by people and hence, is inherently immaterial. Secondly, place is constituted of a tangible-intangible continuum in terms of attributes. A paradigm shift and increasing recognition of an anthropological approach to cultural heritage were identified for all discourses, that is, UNESCO, ICOMOS, the scientific field, and World Heritage. For World Heritage, intangible heritage was recognized indirectly in terms of historical associations during the 1970s and 1980s. The anthropological shift occurred in the early 1990s. The term intangible was introduced and the meaning of intangible heritage was extended to include cultural associations. The subsequent decade is characterized by a process of internalization and implementation of the new approach to cultural heritage. The 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention created momentum. By the early 2010s, while not explicitly recognizing the immaterial character of values, a holistic approach to cultural heritage was fully endorsed that considers the idea of intangible attributes as carriers of values. An understanding of the recognition of intangible heritage through the implementation of the World Heritage Convention and scientific research in general provide an important knowledge base for implementing the Convention in a more coherent, objective, and well-informed way.

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This thesis investigates the crossover from and intersection between tangible and intangible heritage in the context of World Heritage. Since the start of the twenty-first century, intangible heritage has become increasingly important in international cultural heritage conservation theory and practice. In heritage literature, intangible heritage has been theorized in relation to tangible or built heritage, thereby extending the definition of cultural heritage to consider a holistic perspective. New heritage conservation instruments have been created for the protection of intangible heritage, such as most prominently the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. The changing conception of cultural heritage that goes beyond tangible heritage has also influenced existing instruments like the 1972 UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. The thesis studies how intangible heritage has been recognized and interpreted in implementing the concept of cultural heritage as defined by the World Heritage Convention. It examines the historical development of the concept of World Cultural Heritage with the aim of tracing the construction of intangible heritage in this context. The thesis consists of six chapters. The introduction sets out the research problem and research question. In the literature review, international cultural heritage conservation is portrayed as the research context, the knowledge gap between World Heritage and intangible heritage is identified and an understanding of the research problem deepened, and methods from similar research in the subject area are presented. The methodology in the third chapter describes choices made concerning the research paradigm, research approach and strategy, the use of concepts and illustrative examples, as well as data collection and analysis methods. Knowledge is constructed using primarily a historical approach and related methods. Through the analysis of pertinent documents and heritage discourses, an understanding of the concept of intangible heritage is developed and the concept of World Cultural Heritage is investigated. In the fourth chapter, intangible heritage is studied by looking at specific cultural heritage discourses, that is, a scientific, a UNESCO, and an ICOMOS discourse. Intangible heritage is theorized in relation to the concepts of tangible heritage, heritage value, and cultural heritage. Knowledge gained in this chapter serves as a theoretical lens to trace the recognition of and tease out interpretations of intangible heritage in the context of implementing the concept of World Cultural Heritage. The results are presented in chapter five. A historical development is portrayed in five time periods and for the concepts of cultural heritage, Outstanding Universal Value, the criteria to assess World Heritage value, and authenticity. The conclusion summarizes the main outcomes, assesses the thesis’ contribution to scientific knowledge as well as its limitations, and outlines possible further research. The main results include the identification of the term intangible heritage as an indicator for a paradigm shift and a new approach to conceiving cultural heritage in international cultural heritage conservation. By focusing on processes and the living relationship between people and their environment or place, intangible heritage emphasizes the anthropological. In the context of this conception, intangible heritage takes on two meanings. First, value is attributed by people and hence, is inherently immaterial. Secondly, place is constituted of a tangible-intangible continuum in terms of attributes. A paradigm shift and increasing recognition of an anthropological approach to cultural heritage were identified for all discourses, that is, UNESCO, ICOMOS, the scientific field, and World Heritage. For World Heritage, intangible heritage was recognized indirectly in terms of historical associations during the 1970s and 1980s. The anthropological shift occurred in the early 1990s. The term intangible was introduced and the meaning of intangible heritage was extended to include cultural associations. The subsequent decade is characterized by a process of internalization and implementation of the new approach to cultural heritage. The 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention created momentum. By the early 2010s, while not explicitly recognizing the immaterial character of values, a holistic approach to cultural heritage was fully endorsed that considers the idea of intangible attributes as carriers of values. An understanding of the recognition of intangible heritage through the implementation of the World Heritage Convention and scientific research in general provide an important knowledge base for implementing the Convention in a more coherent, objective, and well-informed way.

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When 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck Nepal in 2015, many monuments, temples and houses turned into rubbles killing more than 8,000 people and injuring above 21,000. This unfortunate and tragic natural disaster brought international attention to Nepal. But in this time of despair and pain there was a sign of hope that should be acknowledged well, the spirit of community facing the disaster. This paper is about the indigenous community of Kathmandu on how they organized an important traditional festival just four months after the disaster when most the people were still living in the makeshifts, along with the smaller aftershock continuing almost everyday. In the country like Nepal with numerous intangible heritages, which is, still living is not taken seriously by the concerned authorities and mostly been neglected. It is the indigenous community who has been carrying out those heritages, as they are inseparable aspect of the social life. With this paper it tries look at the community involvement and intangible heritage of Kathmandu Valley, which is a part of my PhD research thesis.

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Tanzania has a rich and diverse cultural history based on community cultural life. However, at present, young people have limited opportunity to exploit this richness of creative expressions and engage in creative jobs as their future career. Hence, the significant challenge remains: how to integrate Intangible cultural heritage elements and learning strategy as a means of promoting creative jobs for youth. This paper presents a case study on 'Strategies for youth employment in Tanzania: A creative industries approach'. The case study employed mixed methods incorporating questionnaires, interviews and focus groups and was held in Dar-Es-Salaam, Mwanza, Dodoma, Lindi and Morogoro from July to October, 2012. This paper discusses some of the issues and argues that there is no virtual utilization of the intangible cultural heritage knowledge and skills in 'putting education to work' (UNESCO, 2012) for the better prospects of youth. Although the discussion is specific to Tanzania, the case may also apply to other developing countries.

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Due to the increasing speed of landscape changes and the massive development of computer technologies, the methods of representing heritage landscapes using digital tools have become a worldwide concern in conservation research. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how an ‘interpretative model’ can be used for contextual design of heritage landscape information systems. This approach is explored through building a geographic information system database for St Helena Island national park in Moreton Bay, South East Queensland, Australia. Stakeholders' interpretations of this landscape were collected through interviews, and then used as a framework for designing the database. The designed database is a digital inventory providing contextual descriptions of the historic infrastructure remnants on St Helena Island. It also reveals the priorities of different sites in terms of historic research, landscape restoration, and tourism development. Additionally, this database produces thematic maps of the intangible heritage values, which could be used for landscape interpretation. This approach is different from the existing methods because building a heritage information system is deemed as an interpretative activity, rather than a value-free replication of the physical environment. This approach also shows how a cultural landscape methodology can be used to create a flexible information system for heritage conservation. The conclusion is that an ‘interpretative model’ of database design facilitates a more explicit focus on information support, and is a potentially effective approach to user-centred design of geographic information systems.

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Over hundreds of generations, indigenous groups around the world have passed down their traditional landscape associations, a number of which are intangible and therefore unquantifiable. Yet, these associative relationships with nature have been, and continue to be, pivotal in cultural evolution. Determining the authenticity of intangible landscape associations has caused much controversy, and in recent decades, indigenous groups have begun seeking protection of their places of significance. In response, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) World Heritage Committee (WHC) developed a criterion that intended to assist in the identification and protection of cultural landscapes. The WHC has therefore become the global authority responsible for determining the authenticity of cultural landscapes, including those with intangible associations rather than material cultural evidence. However, even with the support of the United Nations, UNESCO and the WHC, it is unlikely that every tangible cultural landscape will be sufficiently recognised and protected. Therefore, this research paper explores the effectiveness of current approaches to gauging authenticity in instances where multiple landscapes are valued according to similar characteristics. Further, this work studies the inherent relationship between the indigenous Maori population of the South Island of New Zealand, in particular Kai Tahi peoples, and their significant landscape features, as a means of considering the breadth and depth of historic intangible associations. In light of these findings, this research challenges the appropriateness of the term 'authenticity' when analysing not only the subjective, but more pressingly, the intangible. It therefore questions the role of empirical data in demonstrating authenticity, while recognising that a prolific list of such intangible cultural landscapes has the potential to diminish integrity. This, this paper addresses an urgent need for increased social research in this area, namely in identifying cultural landscape protection methods that empower all local indigenous communities, not just those which are the most critically acclaimed.

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This article examines the concepts, definitions, policies, and practices of heritage in a contemporary context. Within recent years, there have been significant shifts in our understandings and applications of heritage concepts and policies in the modern world. ‘Heritage’ emerged as a buzz word in international policy arenas in the 1980s and early 1990s, and has since weathered the vagaries of turbulent definitional and governance–nomenclature storms, as traditional debates about ‘what it is and what it is not’ reverberate around academia and state agencies alike. Policy and funding structures for heritage are determined by the classifications used to define them in various countries. Typically, reference is made to ‘built heritage’, ‘natural heritage’, and ‘intangible heritage’, loosely reflecting buildings, landscapes, and culture. Aspects of heritage are used by the cultural and tourism industries to add economic value, through heritage tourism sites, museums, and other activities. The cultural tourism product is often anchored around notions of heritage, and in postmodern, post-tourist societies, boundaries between culture, (travel) space, and identities are increasingly blurred. Issues of authenticity become important in the representation of heritage, and questions are asked about the validity of nostalgia versus realism. The role of heritage is examined in the context of identity formulation at individual and nation-state levels, and the political aspects of this are also discussed. Finally, heritage conservation is assessed through an examination of UNESCO’s World Heritage Site listing and protection strategy. In a changing world, new constructs of heritage, identity, authenticity, and representation will continue to emerge as meanings are constantly renegotiated over time and space.

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This paper aims to explore and discuss the role of nostalgia (a concept that is inherently grounded within a psychological framework) in heritage interpretation from both provider and consumer perspectives. Whilst many cultural practitioners recognise the relationship between sentimentality and authenticity, particularly within a folk-heritage context, few have sought to examine the effect this has on the visitor experience. This paper questions visitors’ ability to objectively assess objects and experiences at heritage sites, and the role of practitioners in presenting often blurred views of social history that may sometimes negate historical fact. Drawing on case study research at two UK living museums, Blists Hill Victorian Town in Shropshire, England, and the Big Pit: National Coal Museum in Wales, notions of reminiscence, authenticity, myth and intangibility are considered within the framework of the interpretive experience. Findings suggest that the visitor experience is inherently subjective, highly individual and that the concept of intangibility is integral to an understanding of the nostalgia-authenticity debate.

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Introduction

Since the 1980s there have been major policies and projects for the redevelopment of Dublin Docklands. These projects were mainly aimed at profitable development of office, commercial and residential space, without a sound plan that would preserve the identity or community of the area. The recent shift in policies and urban design principles in the Dublin Docklands Area Master Plan 2008 shows that policy makers have acknowledged that mistakes were made in the last decades of the 20th century. The current map of the Dublin Docklands Area Master Plan 2008 gives us useful information about these changes. The Ringsend/ Irishtown area, which has kept a great part of its urban form and community identity throughout centuries, is described as an ‘area of protection of residential and services amenities’ (DDDA, 2008, map A). Meanwhile, the area of the Grand Canal Docks, recently developed, is described with the objective ‘to seek the social, economic and physical development or rejuvenation
within an area of mixed use of which residential and enterprise facilities would be the predominant uses’ (DDDA, 2008, map A). This classification shows that recent development has been unable to achieve the cohesion and complexity of existing neighbourhoods, revealing flaws not only in policy, but also in the built environment and approaches to urban design.

The shift towards the consideration of more community participation reveals a need to understand the tradition and past of these communities, while the urban fabric of small plots in the existing neighbourhoods, therefore, seems to have a very important role in the conservation of identity of place and providing the opportunity for difference within regularity. On the other hand, the new fabric of residential block developments in the docklands denies the possibility of developing a sense of community, and by providing only regularity, does not leave space for difference.

This paper will address questions related to urban morphology and town analysis in the case of Ringsend and Irishtown. This will provide a tool to learn from the past and perhaps find new models of development that might be less detrimental for the heritage of cities and urban communities. One of the ideas of this paper is to adhere to the new tendency in conservation policies to provide a broader analysis of urban areas, not only considering individual monuments in cities, but also analysing the significance of urban morphology and intangible heritage. It forms part of an OPW Post- Doctoral Fellowship in Conservation Studies and Environmental History.1 Research has been carried out in different areas of urban history of Dublin’s southern waterfront, including infrastructure history and a thorough analysis of the letters of the Pembroke Estate of the 19th century, which included the areas of Ringsend and Irishtown. However, this paper focuses on the study of urban form of the area and its significance to Dublin’s heritage.

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Programa de Doctorado: Fuentes, Métodos e Historiografía para la Investigación en el Mundo Atlántico

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The Portuguese came to Bengal in the early 16th century for trading. Between 1575 and 1600, they established many colonies on the banks of river Ganga, like Chinsura, Hooghly (Porto Pequeno), Satagaon, Gopalpur and Bandel, covering the eastern part of India. During their stay, Portuguese built many churches, schools and charitable institutions. Churches of Augustinians and Jesuits became popular tourist destinations until today. Although by the 18th century, the Portuguese presence had almost disappeared from Bengal with the emergence of British imperialism, the 500 years old (approx.) Portuguese culture is still living in modern Bengal, in the form of tangible and intangible heritage. Traces of the Portuguese impact could be seen in Bengali language, literature, folk-tales, folksongs, cuisines, agriculture, religion, cinema and trade. Some of these are included in the academic curriculum of history at school, college and university levels. In this context, research has been undertaken in the past and is still ongoing in several universities. However, heritage studies under a museological point of view have not yet been initiated at the university level. Though Goa, Panaji, Calicut, Chennai and Nagapattanam were the Portuguese centers for long periods and research has been conducted there along with the establishment of some museums,

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In today’s world heritage worldwide are at the risk not only because of natural process of decay and destruction but also by social change like urbanization, globalization and homogenization of cultures. With these emerging problems, the heritage conservation discourse also has reached to a new dimension including broader range of concepts like tangible heritage, intangible heritage, community participation, indigenous knowledge and many more. Even with the changing scenario in the international context about the heritage conservation, Nepal’s heritage conservation still focus on monuments, sites and buildings. In add to that the conservation practices are still top-down approach and community involvements are limited only in plans. While numerous intangible heritages like masking dances chariot processions, festivals and rituals, which form an integral part of the daily social life of people are still being continued and managed by the community and its people, without with out serious attention form the government. In Kathmandu Valley these heritages has been maintained with the traditional social association of people known as “Guthi” which has been continuing since 5th Century. Most of the tangible and intangible heritages have survived for centuries because of this unique association of people. Among the numerous festivals of the Kathmandu Valley, the festival Yenya Punhi was chosen as a case for this study, which is also a major festival of Kathmandu. This festival is the perfect example for the study as its celebrated in the city that is the most urbanized city of Nepal with the challenges of the every modern city like social changes and urbanization. Despite modern challenges Guthi still plays a major role in the heritage conservation in Kathmandu Valley. Now there are some interventions of the various formal institutions. So this study will be focusing on the management, continuity and problems of the festival along with Nepal’s position in terms of intangible heritage conservation. The problem of Kathmandu and Yenya Punhi festival is the problem of every country in the similar situation so with this case study it can be a good example for finding solutions of the similar problem not only the other festivals within Nepal but also elsewhere in the world; Resumo: Conexão de Património: Festival Yenya Punhi um caminho de fortalecimento de identidade: A experiência de Catmandu Nos dias de hoje, os patrimónios mundiais encontram-se em risco, não só devido ao processo natural de degradação e destruição, mas também pelas mudanças sociais, tais como a urbanização, globalização e homogeneização de culturas. Com o emergir destes problemas, o discurso de conservação de Património atingiu também uma nova dimensão, incluíndo uma área mais abrangente de conceitos, como por exemplo, património material, património imaterial, participação da comunidade, conhecimento indígena, entre outros. Mesmo com este cenário de mudança no contexto mundial de conservação do património, a preservação do património do Nepal continua a focar-se em monumentos, sítios e edíficios. A acrescentar a isso, as práticas de conservação ainda têm uma abordagem descendente e os envolvimentos da comunidade são limitados por planificações. Enquanto que os numerosos patrimónios imateriais como danças com máscaras, procissões, festivais e rituais, os quais formam uma parte integral da vida diária social das pessoas que as continuam e as gerem em comunidade, sem uma atenção séria por parte do governo. No Vale de Catmandu, este património tem sido mantido pela associação tradicional de pessoas conhecidas como ''Guthi'' desde o século V. A maior parte destes patrimónios materiais e imateriais tem sobrevivido durante séculos graças a esta associação única de pessoas. Entre os numerosos festivais do Vale de Catmandu, o festival Yenya Puhni foi escolhido para este estudo, pois é também um grande festival em Catmandu. Este festival é o exemplo perfeito para este estudo, pois é celebrado na cidade mais urbanizada do Nepal, com os desafios das cidades modernas tais como mudanças sociais e urbanização. Apesar dos desafios da modernização, os ''Guthi'' ainda desempenham um papel importante na preservação do património do Vale de Catmandu. Agora, existem algumas intervenções de várias instituições formais Então, este estudo irá focar-se na gestão, continuidade e problemas do festival, juntamente com a posição do Nepal em termos de conservação de património imaterial. O problema de Catmandu e do festival Yenya Punhi é o problema de todos os países em situação semelhante então, este estudo pode ser um bom exemplo para encontrar soluções de problemas parecidos, não só em outros festivais no Nepal mas também para qualquer parte do mundo.

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There is a widely held view that architecture is very strongly and even primarily determined by the society and culture rather than geographical, technical, economic or cli-matic factors. This is especially evident in societies where rituals, customs and tradition play a significant role in the design of built forms. One such society was that of Feudal Japan under the rule of samurai warriors. The strictly controlled hierarchical society of Feudal Japan, isolated from the rest of the world for over 250 years, was able to develop the art and architecture borrowed from neighboring older cultures of China and Korea into what is now considered uniquely Japanese. One such architecture is the Sukiya style tea houses where the ritual of tea ceremony took place. This ritual was developed by the tea masters who were Zen monks or the merchants who belonged to the lowest class in the hierarchical feudal society. The Sukiya style developed from 14th to 16th century and became an architectural space that negated all the rules imposed on commoners by the samurai rulers. The tea culture had a major influence on Japanese architecture, the concept of space and aesthetics. It extended into the design of Japanese gardens, clothes, presentation of food, and their manners in day to day life. The focus of this paper is the Japanese ritual of tea ceremony, the architecture of the tea house it inspired, the society responsible for its creation and the culture that promoted its popularity and its continuation into the 21st century.