976 resultados para gender mobility gap


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Background and Objectives: Mobility limitations are a prevalent issue in older adult populations, and an important determinant of disability and mortality. Neighborhood conditions are key determinants of mobility and perception of safety may be one such determinant. Women have more mobility limitations than men, a phenomenon known as the gender mobility gap. The objective of this work was to validate a measure of perception of safety, examine the relationship between neighborhood perception of safety and mobility limitations in seniors, and explore if these effects vary by gender. Methods: This study was cross-sectional, using questionnaire data collected from community-dwelling older adults from four sites in Canada, Colombia, and Brazil. The exposure variable was the neighborhood aggregated Perception of Safety (PoS) scale, derived from the Physical and Social Disorder (PSD) scale by Sampson and Raudenbush. Its construct validity was verified using factor analyses and correlation with similar measures. The Mobility Assessment Tool – short form (MAT-sf), a video-based measure validated cross-culturally in the studied populations, was used to assess mobility limitations. Based on theoretical models, covariates were included in the analysis, both at the neighborhood level (SES, social capital, and built environment) and the individual level (age, gender, education, income, chronic illnesses, depression, cognitive function, BMI, and social participation). Multilevel modeling was used in order to account for neighborhood clustering. Gender specific analyses were carried out. SAS and M-plus were used in this study. Results: PoS was validated across all sites. It loaded in a single factor, after excluding two items, with a Cronbach α value of approximately 0.86. Mobility limitations were present in 22.08% of the sample, 16.32% among men and 27.41% among women. Neighborhood perception of safety was significantly associated with mobility limitations when controlling for all covariates, with an OR of 0.84 (CI 95%: 0.73-0.96), indicating lower odds of having mobility limitations as neighborhood perception of safety improves. Gender did not affect this relationship despite women being more likely to have mobility limitations and live in neighborhoods with poor perception of safety. Conclusion: Neighborhood perception of safety affected the prevalence of mobility limitations in older adults in the studied population.

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Thesis (Master, Community Health & Epidemiology) -- Queen's University, 2016-10-02 21:02:07.735

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While aggregate level pay equity comparisons between Australia and the UK confirm expectations based on their different wage distributions and regulatory systems, observation of trends and occupational level analysis reveal additional complexity. Our analysis suggests the need for a multi-faceted approach to closing the average gender pay gap.

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This paper re-examines gender wage differences, taking into account notonly worker characteristics but also job characteristics. Considerationof a wide set of job quality indicators can explain a fraction of thewage gap that would otherwise be attributed to pure wage discrimination.In any case, the fraction of the wage gap that remains associated todifferential rewards for identical factors across sexes is stillsubstantial. Our results suggest that in order to avoid overestimationof the fraction of the wage gap attributable to discrimination, it isnecessary to control for job characteristics.

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I extend Spence's signaling model by assuming that some workers are overconfident-they underestimate their marginal cost of acquiring education-and some are underconfident. Firms cannot observe workers' productive abilities and beliefs but know the fractions of high-ability, overconfident, and underconfident workers. I find that biased beliefs lower the wage spread and compress the wages of unbiased workers. I show that gender differences in self-confidence can contribute to the gender pay gap. If education raises productivity, men are overconfident, and women underconfident, then women will, on average, earn less than men. Finally, I show that biased beliefs can improve welfare.

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Cette étude de cas, composée de trois articles, examine les diverses sources d’explication de l’écart salarial selon le genre chez les professeurs d’une grande université de recherche canadienne. Le premier article analyse les écarts selon le genre sur les primes “de marché” à partir de données d’un sondage réalisé auprès des professeurs en 2002. Une analyse des correspondances donne une solution à deux facteurs dans laquelle le second facteur oppose clairement les professeurs qui ont reçu une prime à ceux qui n’en n’ont pas reçue. Le genre est fortement associé à ce facteur, la catégorie “femme” se retrouvant du côté de l’axe associé à l’absence de primes de marché. Les résultats de la régression logistique confirment que le secteur d’activité, la fréquence des contrats de recherche, la valorisation du salaire ainsi que le rang combiné à l’ancienneté sont reliés à la présence de primes de marché, tel que proposé par les hypothèses. Toutefois, même après avoir contrôlé pour ces relations, les femmes sont toujours près de trois fois moins susceptibles de s’être vu attribuer des primes de marché que leurs homologues masculins. Dans l’ensemble, les résultats suggèrent que dans un contexte où les salaires sont déterminés par convention collective, la réindividualisation du processus de détermination des salaires — en particulier le versement de primes de marché aux professeurs d’université — peut favoriser la réapparition d’écarts de salaire selon le genre. Le second article est réalisé à partir de données administratives portant sur les années 1997 à 2006. Les contributions respectives de quatre composantes de la rémunération à l’écart salarial selon le genre y sont analysées, soit le salaire de base, l’accès au rang de professeur titulaire, l’accès aux primes de marché et chaires de recherche du Canada, de même que les montants reçus. Les composantes varient quant à leur degré de formalisation. Ceci permet de tester l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’ampleur de l’écart salarial selon le genre varie en fonction du degré de formalisation des composantes salariales. Nous déterminons également dans quelle mesure l’écart selon le genre sur les diverses composantes de la rémunération varie en fonction de la représentation relative des femmes professeurs au sein des unités. Les résultats démontrent l’existence de variations dans l’ampleur des différences selon le genre en fonction du degré de formalisation des pratiques de rémunération. Qui plus est, après contrôles, la rémunération est plus faible dans les unités où les femmes sont fortement représentées. Le dernier article examine les mécanismes pouvant mener à un écart selon le genre en ce qui a trait à l’accès aux primes de marché chez les professeurs de l’institution. Les processus d’attribution de ces suppléments salariaux sont examinés à partir d’entretiens réalisés avec 17 administrateurs à tous les niveaux hiérarchiques de l’institution et dans une diversité d’unités académiques. Les résultats suggèrent que les différences selon le genre pourraient être liées à des caractéristiques spécifiques du processus d’attribution et à une distribution inégale des primes aux unités à forte représentation féminine. De façon générale, les résultats démontrent que l’écart de rémunération selon le genre chez les professeurs de cette université n’est pas totalement expliqué par des différences dans les caractéristiques individuelles des hommes et femmes. L’analyse révèle que l’écart réside dans des différences selon le genre en ce qui a trait à l’accès aux primes de marché et aux chaires de recherches du Canada et, dans une moindre mesure, au rang de professeur titulaire. Aucune différence n’est observée sur le salaire de base et le montant des primes salariales reçues, que celles-ci soient dites de “marché” ou associées à une chaire de recherche du Canada. Qui plus est, on constate que la rémunération est plus faible dans les unités où les femmes sont le mieux représentées. L’accès différencié selon le genre aux primes de marché qui est observé pourrait être lié à certains processus organisationnels qui limitent les probabilités d’octrois à des femmes. Les femmes pourraient être particulièrement désavantagées dans ce système d’octroi, pour plusieurs raisons. L’existence de différences selon le genre en ce qui a trait aux dispositions ou habiletés des individus à négocier leur salaire est évoquée et supposée par certains administrateurs. Un accès limité aux informations concernant la politique de primes pourrait réduire la probabilité que des femmes tentent d’obtenir ces suppléments salariaux. Les directeurs d’unités, qui sont en majorité des hommes, pourraient être biaisées en faveur des professeurs masculins dans leurs évaluations s’ils tendent à favoriser ceux qui leurs ressemblent. Il est également possible que les directeurs d’unités où les femmes sont les mieux représentées n’aient pas reçu d’information sur les primes de marché ou que des traditions disciplinaires les aient rendu réticents à demander des primes.

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Rapport de recherche présenté à la Faculté des arts et sciences en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en sciences économiques.

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Rapport de recherche présenté à la Faculté des arts et des sciences en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en sciences économiques.

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The aim of my dissertation is to study the gender wage gap with a specific focus on developing and transition countries. In the first chapter I present the main existing theories proposed to analyse the gender wage gap and I review the empirical literature on the gender wage gap in developing and transition countries and its main findings. Then, I discuss the overall empirical issues related to the estimation of the gender wage gap and the issues specific to developing and transition countries. The second chapter is an empirical analysis of the gender wage gap in a developing countries, the Union of Comoros, using data from the multidimensional household budget survey “Enquete integrale auprès des ménages” (EIM) run in 2004. The interest of my work is to provide a benchmark analysis for further studies on the situation of women in the Comorian labour market and to contribute to the literature on gender wage gap in Africa by making available more information on the dynamics and mechanism of the gender wage gap, given the limited interest on the topic in this area of the world. The third chapter is an applied analysis of the gender wage gap in a transition country, Poland, using data from the Labour Force Survey (LSF) collected for the years 1994 and 2004. I provide a detailed examination of how gender earning differentials have changed over the period starting from 1994 to a more advanced transition phase in 2004, when market elements have become much more important in the functioning of the Polish economy than in the earlier phase. The main contribution of my dissertation is the application of the econometrical methodology that I describe in the beginning of the second chapter. First, I run a preliminary OLS and quantile regression analysis to estimate and describe the raw and conditional wage gaps along the distribution. Second, I estimate quantile regressions separately for males and females, in order to allow for different rewards to characteristics. Third, I proceed to decompose the raw wage gap estimated at the mean through the Oaxaca-Blinder (1973) procedure. In the second chapter I run a two-steps Heckman procedure by estimating a model of participation in the labour market which shows a significant selection bias for females. Forth, I apply the Machado-Mata (2005) techniques to extend the decomposition analysis at all points of the distribution. In Poland I can also implement the Juhn, Murphy and Pierce (1991) decomposition over the period 1994-2004, to account for effects to the pay gap due to changes in overall wage dispersion beyond Oaxaca’s standard decomposition.

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Based upon unique survey data collected using respondent driven sampling methods, we investigate whether there is a gender pay gap among social entrepreneurs in the UK. We find that women as social entrepreneurs earn 29% less than their male colleagues, above the average UK gender pay gap of 19%. We estimate the adjusted pay gap to be about 23% after controlling for a range of demographic, human capital and job characteristics, as well as personal preferences and values. These differences are hard to explain by discrimination since these CEOs set their own pay. Income may not be the only aim in an entrepreneurial career, so we also look at job satisfaction to proxy for non-monetary returns. We find female social entrepreneurs to be more satisfied with their job as a CEO of a social enterprise than their male counterparts. This result holds even when we control for the salary generated through the social enterprise. Our results extend research in labour economics on the gender pay gap as well as entrepreneurship research on women’s entrepreneurship to the novel context of social enterprise. It provides the first evidence for a “contented female social entrepreneur” paradox.

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The gender wage gap is well studied in developed countries; however, recently it has generated much interest in developing countries. This thesis addresses three issues regarding the gender wage gap in Bangladesh. Firstly, it explores the wage determinants for formal public and private sector employees in Bangladesh and examines the gender pay gap. This is the first time different decomposition methods have been used to compare the sources of the gender wage gap as well as any potential discrimination effect in the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. These decomposition methods are: the original Oaxaca (1973) and Blinder (1973) decomposition methods, the Neumark (1988), Cotton (1988), and Reimers (1983) methods, and the extended Oaxaca method including both the employment selection and the double selection correction in the wage equation. In addition to mentioned methods, to quantify the gender wage gap in monetary terms, a recently developed ‘simulated change’ approach by Olsen and Walby (2004) is also applied for the first time to the Bangladeshi data. By using the Labour Force Survey 2005-06, BBS (LFS 2005-06) data results show formal sector female employees earn about 32.1 per cent less than their male counterparts. Without considering the selection correction, a large range of human capital, demographic and labour market related variables are explained less than half of the total gender wage gap (21 to 46 per cent of the total wage gap) and the major part of the wage gap is unexplained (54 to 79 per cent of the total wage gap). This could partly be attributed to discrimination. Using the double selection correction method, the decomposition results changed where a small part of the wage gap was explained by the measured characteristics (only nine per cent of the total wage gap) and a major part is attributed to the discrimination and selection effect. The selection effect also reveals that exclusion of the double selection correction might lead to an overestimation of the gender wage gap in the formal sector of Bangladesh. In addition, results based on the Olsen and Walby (2004) simulation method show that, if the other characteristics of male and female employees were similar, ‘being female’ is sufficient, to generate significantly lower wages than males in the formal sector. If females in the workplace are treated as males, without considering any other endowment increases, females could increase their earnings by 4095.3 Taka1 per year. Results also indicate that not only endowment differences in human capital and work experience related variables were important, but discrimination appears to play a significant role in the total wage gap throughout the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. Secondly, the study investigates whether public sector employees enjoyed a wage premium or not, compared to the private sector and whether the gender wage gap is greater in the public sector. In addition, the research considered whether there was an impact from the inclusion of the different selection correction terms in the wage equation. In Bangladesh, public sector employees have, on average, a 60 per cent wage premium over the private sector. Using both the original Oaxaca and the extended Oaxaca methods, where selection effect is partly captured by both explained and unexplained components, and using the public sector wage structure as the basis of the non-discriminatory wage structure, these methods revealed a considerably larger portion of explained (72 - 93 per cent of the total wage gap) and a smaller portion of unexplained part of the wage gap. However, if the selection correction is considered as another component of the decomposition outcome then the major portion of the total public and private sectors wage gap is justified (explained) by the effect of the selection correction and unexplained factors. Furthermore, a large part of the wage premium exists in favour of public sector female employees compared to males and the gender wage gap is lower in the public sector than the private sector. Finally, this study compares the gender wage gap of five different occupations. The gender wage gap is associated with labour market rigidities where one of the important factors is occupational segregation where females are disproportionately distributed in occupations resulting in lower earnings. The largest gender wage gap was found in agriculture, forestry, fisheries, production and transport labour jobs (56.4 per cent) and the lowest in the professional, technical administrative and managerial jobs (22.1 per cent). Substantial differences are found in the size of the endowment gap across occupations and larger variations occurred in the adjusted wage gap which varied from 21.4 per cent in sales and service occupations, to 100 per cent in professional and technical jobs (the highest). This too can be partly explained by discrimination. A reduction in the gender wage gap is expected not only to increase national income, but also to reduce poverty and lead to better outcomes for future generations. National policy should aim to reduce the gender wage gap and achieve gender wage equality in the formal sector; for example through a targeted program to remove the gender differences in education and to reduce the skill difference, with a better child care policy to encourage labour force retention and increased labour market experience for female employees, with anti-discriminatory policies and the enforcement of existing antidiscrimination policies, and a more equal distribution of males and females across occupations.

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In this paper we examine the determinants of wages and decompose theobserved differences across genders into the "explained by differentcharacteristics" and "explained by different returns components"using a sample of Spanish workers. Apart from the conditionalexpectation of wages, we estimate the conditional quantile functionsfor men and women and find that both the absolute wage gap and thepart attributed to different returns at each of the quantiles, farfrom being well represented by their counterparts at the mean, aregreater as we move up in the wage range.

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We use Indian National Sample Survey employment–unemployment data for the urban sector for the years 1987 and 1999. Our results indicate that the gender wage gap had narrowed considerably between these two years, for all earnings deciles and for all education cohorts. The narrowing of the earnings gap can be attributed largely to a sharp increase in the returns to the labour market experience of women.

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Tourism represents a major economic activity in Portugal, with an enormous wealth and employment growth potential. A significant proportion of jobs in the industry tourism are occupied by women, given that this industry is characterized by a relatively higher percentage of female employees. Despite the evidence of female progress with regard to their role in the Portuguese labor market, women continue to earn less than their male counterparts. This is clearly the case of the tourism industry, where statistics reveal a persistent gender wage gap. The objective of this paper is to provide empirical evidence on the determinants of gender wage inequality in the tourism industry in northern Portugal. Relying on firm-level wage equations and production functions, gender wage and productivity differentials are estimated and then compared. The comparison of these differentials allows inferring whether observed wage disparities are attributable to relatively lower female productivity, or instead disparities are due to gender wage discrimination. This approach is applied to tourism industry data gathered in the matched employer-employee data set Quadros de Pessoal (Employee Records). The main findings indicate that female employees in the tourism industry in northern Portugal are less productive than their male colleagues and that gender differences in wages are fully explained by gender differences in productivity.

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The paper analyses Gender Equality, Gender Equity and policies of combating inequality at workplace to make the society equal as a case study of Sweden. The aim of paper is see the gender equality, gender equity, discrimination against women at workplace and to describe the policies combating inequality in the welfare state of Sweden. This work highlights the gender equality in terms of institutionalizing gender equality, gender equity, gender and pay gap, parental leave, gender and the pension system and sexual behavior directed towards women and policies combating inequality to bring equality in society. For my research I used the secondary data the fact sheets, scientific literature, statistics from eurostate of Sweden and case studies about Swedish society and the theoretical explanation to explain the phenomena. To achieve my aim I used the combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods of research. I showed the empirical evidences of these phenomena from the Swedish society and theoretical analysis about equality and equity of gender in different wakes of life. I found an interesting conclusion that there are good policies and legislation to combat inequality to bring society but there are no policies to change the perception of society about male and female role.