831 resultados para Violence in marital


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Objective. To analyze the association between police violence and homicide mortality rates taking into consideration the effect of contextual variables. Methods. This was an environmental, cross-sectional study that included the 96 census districts in the City of Sao Paulo. The association between the variables was analyzed using Spearman`s rank correlation and simple and multiple regression analysis. Results. Univariate analysis revealed a strong and significant association between homicide mortality coefficients and all the indicators of socioeconomic development and police violence. After controlling for potential confounding factors, the association between police violence and homicide mortality coefficients remained strong and significant. This significance was lost only after control for the size of the resident population. Conclusion. The results indicate that police action that violates basic human rights is not the right answer to urban violence. The combination of homicides from interpersonal violence and deaths from police violence results in negative socialization and promotes further violence.

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Police call data and court data are used to map the incidence of reported domestic violence in Brisbane. These data are correlated with low family income, unemployment and a measure of multiple disadvantage (an Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage) for each Statistical Local Area (suburb) in Brisbane. Only the Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage is a statistically significant predictor of reported domestic violence. The finding of a significantly higher incidence of reported domestic violence among relatively worse-off families is investigated within a social justice context. A measure of multiple relative disadvantage is shown to better reflect the negative impacts of structural inequalities on families in explaining the reported occurrence of domestic violence.

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Police call data for domestic violence incidents in the city of Brisbane were used to further explore the locational disadvantage thesis. It was hypothesised that the supposed additional burdens and stresses on disadvantaged families living in the outer suburbs may be reflected in significantly higher rates of reported domestic violence. Using an index of relative socioeconomic disadvantage and employing Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), this research shows that significantly higher rates of reported domestic violence occur in the inner suburbs relative to the middle or outer suburbs of Brisbane. This finding adds further doubt as to the magnitude of locational disadvantage impacts on outer suburban low income family households.

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OBJECTIVE : To investigate the association between common mental disorders and intimate partner violence during pregnancy. METHODS : A cross sectional study was carried out with 1,120 pregnant women aged 18-49 years old, who were registered in the Family Health Program in the city of Recife, Northeastern Brazil, between 2005 and 2006. Common mental disorders were assessed using the Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ-20). Intimate partner violence was defined as psychologically, physically and sexually abusive acts committed against women by their partners. Crude and adjusted odds ratios were estimated for the association studied utilizing logistic regression analysis. RESULTS : The most common form of partner violence was psychological. The prevalence of common mental disorders was 71.0% among women who reported all form of violence in pregnancy and 33.8% among those who did not report intimate partner violence. Common mental disorders were associated with psychological violence (OR 2.49, 95%CI 1.8;3.5), even without physical or sexual violence. When psychological violence was combined with physical or sexual violence, the risk of common mental disorders was even higher (OR 3.45; 95%CI 2.3;5.2). CONCLUSIONS : Being assaulted by someone with whom you are emotionally involved can trigger feelings of helplessness, low self-esteem and depression. The pregnancy probably increased women`s vulnerability to common mental disorders

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ABSTRACT - I will explore and present the portrayal of violence in some British plays that were staged between 1951 and 1965, in order to discuss the role, impact and aim of its representation. Thus, I will consider John Whiting’s Saint’s Day (1951), Ann Jelicoe’s The Sport of my Mad Mother (1956), Arnold Wesker (Chicken Soup with Barley (1958), Harold Pinter’s Birthday Party (1958), David Rudkin’s Afore Night Come (1962) and Edward Bond’s Saved (1965). My aim is to discuss the way how theatre in the post WWII changed the traditional ways of representing violence. On one hand, violence and reality became more and more familiar and domestic, permitting a representation of multiple and non-agonic violence; and, on the other hand, the violence that was depicted often changed the way one perceived reality itself, being part of a socially engaged artistic attitude.

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RESUMO: A violência contra as mulheres (VCM) é um problema de saúde pública e uma violação dos direitos humanos. Ele tem uma alta prevalência na América Latina e no Caribe; o Estudo da Violência Contra as Mulheres da Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS) identificou que as mulheres peruanas sofrem o maior índice de violência. O Perú é signatário da CEDAW e da Convenção de Belém do Pará, com recomendações para resolver este tipo de discriminação e descrever o papel do setor da saúde. A lei peruana define a violência como um problema de saúde mental. Objectivos: As três orientações clínicas do Ministério da Saúde para avaliar a integração da componente de saúde mental no cuidado de mulheres afetadas pela VCM foram revistas. Método: A proteção da saúde mental foi avaliada nas orientações acima mencionadas. A lei peruana relevante para perceber o reconhecimento das consequências de VCM na saúde mental e os cuidados prestados neste contexto foram revistos. Usando esses padrões nacionais e internacionais, foi realizada uma análise de conteúdo dos guias peruanos para a atenção da violência para ver como eles se integram a saúde mental. Resultados: Estas orientações são muito extensas e não definem claramente a responsabilidade dos profissionais de saúde. Não incluem um exame de saúde mental na avaliação da vítima e são vagas na descrição das atividades a serem realizadas pelo prestador dos cuidados de saúde. As orientações recomendam uma triagem universal usando um instrumento com formato antiquado e pesado. Em contrapartida, as orientações da OMS não recomendam qualquer triagem. Conclusão: As várias orientações analisadas não fornecem a informação necessária para o profissional de saúde avaliar o envolvimento da saúde mental e, desnecessariamente, tratam as mulheres sobreviventes de VCM como doentes mentais. Recomenda-se que as orientações recentes da OMS (Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines, 2013) para os cuidados de VCM sejam usadas como um modelo para o desenvolvimento de um único dispositivo técnico que incorpora directrizes com base científica. legislação com base no género, saúde, guias, prevenção e mujeres 6 RESUMO (PORTUGUESE) A violência contra as mulheres (VCM) é um problema de saúde pública e uma violação dos direitos humanos. Ele tem uma alta prevalência na América Latina e no Caribe; o Estudo da Violência Contra as Mulheres da Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS) identificou que as mulheres peruanas sofrem o maior índice de violência. O Perú é signatário da CEDAW e da Convenção de Belém do Pará, com recomendações para resolver este tipo de discriminação e descrever o papel do setor da saúde. A lei peruana define a violência como um problema de saúde mental. Objectivos: As três orientações clínicas do Ministério da Saúde para avaliar a integração da componente de saúde mental no cuidado de mulheres afetadas pela VCM foram revistas. Método: A proteção da saúde mental foi avaliada nas orientações acima mencionadas. A lei peruana relevante para perceber o reconhecimento das consequências de VCM na saúde mental e os cuidados prestados neste contexto foram revistos. Usando esses padrões nacionais e internacionais, foi realizada uma análise de conteúdo dos guias peruanos para a atenção da violência para ver como eles se integram a saúde mental. Resultados: Estas orientações são muito extensas e não definem claramente a responsabilidade dos profissionais de saúde. Não incluem um exame de saúde mental na avaliação da vítima e são vagas na descrição das atividades a serem realizadas pelo prestador dos cuidados de saúde. As orientações recomendam uma triagem universal usando um instrumento com formato antiquado e pesado. Em contrapartida, as orientações da OMS não recomendam qualquer triagem. Conclusão: As várias orientações analisadas não fornecem a informação necessária para o profissional de saúde avaliar o envolvimento da saúde mental e, desnecessariamente, tratam as mulheres sobreviventes de VCM como doentes mentais. Recomenda-se que as orientações recentes da OMS (Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines, 2013) para os cuidados de VCM sejam usadas como um modelo para o desenvolvimento de um único dispositivo técnico que incorpora directrizes com base científica.-----------------ABSTRACT: Violence against women (VAW) is a public health problem and a human rights violation. It is highly prevalent in Latin America and the Caribbean; the Multi-country Study on Violence against Women by the World Health Organization identified rural Peruvian women as suffering the highest rates of VAW. The country is party to CEDAW and Belen Do Para Conventions, which set forth recommendations to overcome this form of discrimination and describe the role of the health sector. Peruvian law defines violence as a mental health issue. Objective: The Ministry of Health’s three technical guidelines were reviewed to assess the integration of mental health into the care of women affected by violence Method: The protection of the woman’s mental health was ascertained in the conventions mentioned above. The recognition of the mental health consequences of VAW and the inclusion of its evaluation and care were assessed in pertinent Peruvian legislation. Using these international and national parameters, the three guidelines for the attention of violence were subject to content analysis to see whether they conform to the conventions and integrate mental health care. Outcome: These guidelines are too extensive and do not clearly define the responsibility of health workers. They do not include a mental health exam in the evaluation of the victim and are vague in the description of the actions to be carried out by the health care provider. Guidelines prescribe universal screening using an outdated instrument and moreover, WHO Guidelines do not recommend screening. Conclusion: These multiple guidelines do not provide useful guidance for health care providers, particularly for the assessment of mental health sequelae, and unnecessarily stigmatize survivors of violence as mentally ill. It is recommended that the World Health Organization’s document Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines (2013) be used as a blueprint for only one technical instrument that incorporates evidence -based national policy and guidelines.

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The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

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Tackling Violence at Home - The Government's Proposals on Domestic Violence in Northern Ireland

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The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.

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Intimate partner violence is a growing problem in health care. The purpose of this thesis was to find ways of confronting a victim of intimate partner violence in nursing care and methods how nurses can encourage the victim to disclose the abuse. The aim of this thesis was to help the health care professionals to understand the issue and the need of the victims better, and that way provide a better care. This thesis is a literature review of previously made research articles about intimate partner violence. The research material consisted of 10 published articles, which were collected from different databases. The articles were published within 10 years. A content analysis method was used to examine the articles by making descriptive summary tables according to each questions. The results of this study showed multiple factors which the health care providers should take into consideration when caring the patients. Asking with a non-judgemental attitude, in a safe, confidential setting without the partner present and prioritizing the abuse was mentioned to be important for the victims. Routinely screening and different kind of brochures was considered as good methods to encourage the victims to disclose the abuse. The need for better training and counselling of the health care providers was also discovered. The results of this thesis, did answer to the chosen study questions and that way the purpose of the thesis was filled. Hopefully, in the future this problem can be minimized and prevented in advanced. Further studies are needed to examine whether these caring methods are actually being used in clinical settings and do they have any effect.

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This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effect of exposure to political violence on humancapital accumulation. I exploit the variation in conflict location and birth cohorts to identify the longandshort-term effects of the civil war on educational attainment. Conditional on being exposed toviolence, the average person accumulates 0.31 less years of education as an adult. In the short-term,the effects are stronger than in the long-run; these results hold when comparing children within thesame household. Further, exposure to violence during early childhood leads to permanent losses. I alsoexplore the potential causal mechanisms.

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How persistent are cultural traits? This paper uses data on anti-Semitism in Germany and finds continuity at the local level over more than half a millennium. When the Black Death hit Europe in 1348-50, killing between one third and one half of the population, its cause was unknown. Many contemporaries blamed the Jews. Cities all over Germany witnessed mass killings of their Jewish population. At the same time, numerous Jewish communities were spared these horrors. We use plague pogroms as an indicator for medieval anti-Semitism. Pogroms during the Black Death are a strong and robust predictor of violence against Jews in the 1920s, and of votes for the Nazi Party. In addition, cities that saw medieval anti-Semitic violence also had higher deportation rates for Jews after 1933, were more likely to see synagogues damaged or destroyed in the Night of Broken Glass in 1938, and their inhabitants wrote more anti-Jewish letters to the editor of the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer.