From foot-draggers to strategic counter-partners : the dynamics of U.S. and Chinese policies for tackling climate change

As can been seen from the U.S.'s non-ratification of the Kyoto Protocol, together with the negotiations toward the post-Kyoto Protocol framework, the U.S. and China have been quarrelling over their responsibilities and have contradicted one another over the introduction of compulsory domestic greenhouse gases emission reduction targets. Therefore, for a long time, it has been argued that the controversy between the two countries has hindered the process of forging an international agreement to deal with climate change. On the other hand, Sino-U.S. bilateral cooperation on climate change has significantly increased in recent years in summit talks and their Strategic & Economic Dialogue (S&ED), especially after the 15th Conference of Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Copenhagen, one of whose aims was to facilitate positive negotiations for the post-Kyoto Protocol agreement. Analyzing this in the light of recent developments, we find that the U.S. and China have tended to address climate change and related issues from a pluralistic viewpoint and approach, by regarding the achievement of bilateral cooperation and global agreements as their common strategic objective.

Report to Congress of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.

Mode of access: Internet.

The Implications of U.S. China military cooperation : a workshop /

Mode of access: Internet.

Impact of U.S.-China trade relations on workers, wages, and employment : pilot study report /

"June 30, 2001."

Balancing Cooperation and Competition: A New in Era in U.S.-China Relations

Created as part of the 2016 Jackson School for International Studies SIS 495: Task Force.

Análisis de los intereses geoestratégicos de China y Estados Unidos en Corea del Sur tras el programa nuclear de Corea del Norte

La península coreana ha sido desde la Guerra Fría y a la actualidad una zona convulsionada por intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos. Ese panorama obliga un análisis sobre la configuración y los cambios que se han dado entre las potencias actuales, China y Estados Unidos, desde la existencia de un programa nuclear norcoreano que afecta a Corea del Sur y la definición de los intereses de Beijin y Washington.

U.S. industry directory : a directory of U.S. businesses interested in defense conversion opportunities in the People's Republic of China /

Includes index.

Sytytyslanka Etelä-Kiinan merellä palaa : strategisella tyynnyttelyllä kohti rakentavampaa Yhdysvallat-Kiina-suhdetta

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Análisis de inversión extranjera directa por parte del grupo de los BRIC hacia los sectores estratégicos de Colombia

El siguiente documento da a conocer el comportamiento de la Inversión Extranjera Directa (IED) de los países denominados BRIC (Brasil, Rusia, India y China) en Colombia. De acuerdo a lo anterior, en el presente trabajo, se realizó un análisis general de la IED entrante en el país suramericano que buscaba establecer los principales inversores; además de determinar los sectores más atractivos. Posteriormente, se observó la magnitud de la inversión que realizan los países BRIC en Colombia y en el mundo, con el fin de efectuar una comparación que permitiera determinar que tan significativa es la inversión que se realiza en el Estado Colombiano frente a la que es efectuada por estas naciones a nivel global. Igualmente, se consideró las industrias a las que la IED está dirigida, el grado de beneficio que representa para la población y si existe la posibilidad de enfocarla hacia otros sectores estratégicos o si se recomienda encauzarla hacia aquellos que hoy en día son el principal foco de inversión.

Dime cómo me percibes y te diré quién soy: Estados Unidos y su idea de la política exterior China en la década de 1950

La década de 1950 fue determinante en el establecimiento y póstumo desarrollo del sistema de política exterior de la República Popular China. Al respecto, es de vital importancia realizar un análisis exhaustivo sobre esta primera etapa en donde actores externos a la nación tuvieron un papel determinante. Se busca, entonces, analizar la incidencia que tuvo el discurso de Estados Unidos en la política exterior China a través de un profundo análisis cualitativo que tendrá como base elementos propios de la historiografía. Mediante aproximaciones constructivistas, se pretende demostrar que las creencias pre-existentes de ambos actores (así como la intersubjetividad entre los mismos), determinó la identidad construida a través de la percepción mutua. Lo anterior, impulsó las relaciones predominantemente agresivas entre Estados Unidos y la China Maoísta de principios de la Guerra Fría.

Uusien uhkakuvien luominen: tapaus 'kiinalaiset kybersoturit' : lingvistinen uhka-analyysi kyberdiskurssista

Since his inauguration, President Barack Obama has emphasized the need for a new cybersecurity policy, pledging to make it a "national security priority". This is a significant change in security discourse after an eight-year war on terror – a term Obama announced to be no longer in use. After several white papers, reports and the release of the so-called 60-day Cybersecurity Review, Obama announced the creation of a "cyber czar" position and a new military cyber command to coordinate American cyber defence and warfare. China, as an alleged cyber rival, has played an important role in the discourse that introduced the need for the new office and the proposals for changes in legislation. Research conducted before this study suggest the dominance of state-centric enemy descriptions paused briefly after 9/11, but returned soon into threat discourse. The focus on China's cyber activities fits this trend. The aim of this study is to analyze the type of modern threat scenarios through a linguistic case study on the reporting on Chinese hackers. The methodology of this threat analysis is based on the systemic functional language theory, and realizes as an analysis of action and being descriptions (verbs) used by the American authorities. The main sources of data include the Cybersecurity Act 2009, Securing Cyberspace for the 44th Presidency, and 2008 Report to Congress of the U.S. - China Economic and Security Review Commission. Contrary to the prevailing and popularized terrorism discourse, the results show the comeback of Cold War rhetoric as well as the establishment of a state-centric threat perception in cyber discourse. Cyber adversaries are referred to with descriptions of capacity, technological superiority and untrustworthiness, whereas the ‘self’ is described as vulnerable and weak. The threat of cyber attacks is compared to physical attacks on critical military and civilian infrastructure. The authorities and the media form a cycle, in which both sides quote each other and foster each other’s distrust and rhetoric. The white papers present China's cyber army as an existential threat. This leads to cyber discourse turning into a school-book example of a securitization process. The need for security demands action descriptions, which makes new rules and regulations acceptable. Cyber discourse has motives and agendas that are separate from real security discourse: the arms race of the 21st century is about unmanned war.

Factores para la implementación eficiente de un sistema de control de gestión en las organizaciones

La implementación del MCS es una necesidad que demandan las organizaciones en la medida en que incrementan de tamaño, pero la experiencia muestra que esta metodología tiene casos de éxito como de fracaso, por lo que es importante identificar y contemplar los factores que influyen en la implementación para que el sistema sea efectivo. Este proyecto pretende analizar las variables y herramientas para la implementación de un MCS en una organización. Para este análisis se hizo una amplia revisión literaria teórica y práctica. Finalmente el resultado que se obtuvo fue definir cuáles son los factores determinantes para la implementación de un MCS efectivo en una empresa.

Corrupción, incentivos y contrabando técnico en Colombia : 1998 – 2013

El contrabando técnico representa un problema para los hacedores de política económica pues tiene efectos perversos en temas fundamentales como la hacienda pública, la competencia de mercado y la informalidad. Sin embargo, a pesar de ser un problema tan importante son pocos los esfuerzos empíricos que se han hecho para estudiar los incentivos que están detrás de esta práctica ilegal, tanto a nivel global como para el caso colombiano. En este trabajo se desarrolla un modelo teórico a partir del cual se estudian los incentivos para la existencia del contrabando, y sus conclusiones se contrastan con una aplicación empírica en la que se utilizan datos de importaciones (reporte de origen y destino) de 24 sectores económicos (583 productos) provenientes de 84 países entre 1998 y 2013. Con estos datos se estima un modelo de panel de datos en el que se encuentra que hay una relación positiva entre la corrupción y el contrabando y también entre los aranceles y el contrabando técnico, indicando que se presenta una mayor subfacturación en productos que tienen aranceles altos y provienen de países más corruptos.

China's Strategic Choices towards North Korea and Iran

This study tests two hypotheses. First, China cooperates with the United States only when it is able to obtain material rewards. Second, without material incentives from the United States, China straddles between the United States on one hand and Iran and North Korea on the other. My findings show that neither Structural Realism, which holds anti-hegemonism alliance, nor Constructivism, which holds positive assimilation of the nuclear nonproliferation norm explains Chinese international behavior comprehensively. My balance of interest model explains Chinese foreign policy on the noncompliant states better. The cases cover the Sino-North Korean and Sino-Iranian diplomatic histories from 1990 to 2013 vis-à-vis the United States. The study is both a within-case comparison—that is, changes of China’s stance across time—and a cross-case comparison in China’s position regarding Iran and North Korea. My comparisons contribute to theoretical and empirical analyses in international relations literature. Theoretically, the research creates different options for the third party between the two antagonistic actors. China will have seven different types of reaction: balancing, bandwagoning, mediating, and abetting that foster strategic clarity versus hiding, delaying, and straddling which are symptomatic of strategic ambiguity. I argue that there is a gradation between pure balancing and pure supporting. Empirically, the test results show that Chinese leaders have tried to find a balance between its material interests and international reputation by engaging in straddling and delaying inconsistently. There are two major findings. First, China’s foreign policy has been reactive. Whereas prior to 2006, balancing against the U.S. had been a dominant strategy, since 2006, China has shown strategic ambiguity. Second, Chinese leaders believe that the preservation of stability in the region outweighs denuclearization of the noncompliant states, because it is in China’s interest to maintain a manageable tension between the U.S. and the noncompliant states. The balance of interest model suggests that the best way to understand China’s preferences is to consider them as products of rough calculation of risks and rewards on both the U.S. and the noncompliant states.

Legal, Ethical and Cultural Issues U.S. companies face when moving operations to China.

Beyond free trade agreements governing cross-border commerce, the source of most global economic growth is attributed to business across interconnecting markets. Among the most attractive and complex markets, China stands out. Despite its appeal, American businesses are more likely to fail in China due to an overwhelming desire for an immediate return on investment while neglecting to consider or completely disregarding China's unique legal, ethical and cultural environment. This capstone project will give recommendations to help businesses succeed when entering China and avoid legal, ethical and cultural issues such as the ones that Google, Apple, and Yahoo experienced.