Ends, means, beginnings: environmental technocracy, ecological deliberation or embodied disagreement

Technocratic attitudes suggest that decisions about environmental policy should be led by scientific experts. Such decisions, it is expected, will be more rational than any arrived at by a democratic mediation between the narrow, short-term interests and uninformed preferences of the general public. Within green political theory, deliberative democracy has emerged as the dominant repost to technocracy, offering an account of how democratic polities can deal with complex scientific and technological decisions through the emergence of communicative rationality. This article argues that neither appeals to expert knowledge, nor communicative rationality, are likely to deliver the optimal green outcomes that proponents suggest, but rather will cover up the inevitable disagreements over environmental policy making. Instead the article suggests that more ecologically-sensitive and democratic decision making about complex scientific and technological issues can emerge if we acknowledge the differently embodied perspectives of decision-makers – from scientists to citizens. This prioritises democratic means over green ends, yet incorporates the environment at the beginning of the decision-making process. The article aims to sketch out the theoretical and practical implications of such an embodied turn for responding to the anti-democratic tendencies of environmental technocracy.

No insulation : politics and technocracy's troubled trajectory

Technocracy often holds out the promise of rational, disinterested decision-making. Yet states look to technocracy not just for expert inputs and calculated outcomes but to embed the exercise of power in many agendas, policies and programs. Thus, technocracy operates as an appendage of politically constructed structures and configurations of power, and highly placed technocrats cannot be 'mere' backroom experts who supply disinterested rational-technical solutions in economic planning, resource allocation and social distribution, which are inherently political. This paper traces the trajectories of technocracy in conditions of rapid social transformation, severe economic restructuring, or political crises - when the technocratic was unavoidably political.

Of citizen's rights and wrongs of the state

Argues that a human rights based concsiousness needs to supersede legal technocracy to avoid the wrongs of deporting family members. Response to public discussion over deportation of two elderly grandmothers from Finland.

The Dark Side of Nudging

A podcast of a talk presented at a conference in Berlin organized by the Vervassungsblog on Choice Architecture in Democracies, in January 2015 - Verfassungsblog - Autonomy vs. Technocracy: Libertarian Paternalism revisited

Climate Change, Neutrality and the Harm Principle

This paper aims at evaluating the compatibility of coercive climate policies with liberal neutrality. More precisely, it focuses on the doctrine of state neutrality as associated with the "harm principle". It argues that given the difficulty of attributing causal responsibilities for climate harms to individuals, the harm principle doesn't work in this case, at least if one endorses a liberal atomistic ontology. Furthermore, the definition of what constitutes climate harms implies making moral assumptions, which makes it impossible to justify climate policies in a neutral way. Finally, the paper shows another consequence of applying neutrality to the case of climate change, that is the risk of a shift from political forms of decision-making to technocracy. Focusing too much on liberty of choice may (paradoxically) be to the detriment of political freedom. The paper concludes that climate change is an intrinsically moral issue and that it should be the occasion of a political debate about our current values and lifestyles. It should not be reduced to a mere question of carbon metric.

Constructing a ‘moment of crisis’ and its adequate solution

The rejection of the European Constitution marks an important crystallization point for debate about the European Union (EU) and the integration process. The European Constitution was envisaged as the founding document of a renewed and enlarged European Union and thus it was rather assumed to find wide public support. Its rejection was not anticipated. The negative referenda in France and the Netherlands therefore led to a controversial debate about the more fundamental meaning and the consequences of the rejection both for the immediate state of affairs as well as for the further integration process. The rejection of the Constitution and the controversy about its correct interpretation therefore present an intriguing puzzle for political analysis. Although the treaty rejection was taken up widely in the field of European Studies, the focus of existing analyses has predominantly been on explaining why the current situation occurred. Underlying these approaches is the premise that by establishing the reasons for the rejection it is possible to derive the ‘true’ meaning of the event for the EU integration process. In my paper I rely on an alternative, discourse theoretical approach which aims to overcome the positivist perspective dominating the existing analyses. I argue that the meaning of the event ‘treaty rejection’ is not fixed or inherent to it but discursively constructed. The critical assessment of this concrete meaning-production is of high relevance as the specific meaning attributed to the treaty rejection effectively constrains the scope for supposedly ‘reasonable’ options for action, both in the concrete situation and in the further European integration process more generally. I will argue that the overall framing suggests a fundamental technocratic approach to governance from part of the Commission. Political struggle and public deliberation is no longer foreseen as the concrete solutions to the citizens’ general concerns are designed by supposedly apolitical experts. Through the communicative diffusion and the active implementation of this particular model of governance the Commission shapes the future integration process in a more substantial way than is obvious from its seemingly limited immediate problem-solving orientation of overcoming the ‘constitutional crisis’. As the European Commission is a central actor in the discourse production my analysis focuses on the specific interpretation of the situation put forward by the Commission. In order to work out the Commission’s particular take on the event I conducted a frame analysis (according to Benford/Snow) on a body of key sources produced in the context of coping with the treaty rejection.

Contested H2O: science, policy and politics in water resources management in Chile

This paper critically explores the politics that mediate the use of environmental science assessments as the basis of resource management policy. Drawing on recent literature in the political ecology tradition that has emphasised the politicised nature of the production and use of scientific knowledge in environmental management, the paper analyses a hydrological assessment in a small river basin in Chile, undertaken in response to concerns over the possible overexploitation of groundwater resources. The case study illustrates the limitations of an approach based predominantly on hydrogeological modelling to ascertain the effects of increased groundwater abstraction. In particular, it identifies the subjective ways in which the assessment was interpreted and used by the state water resources agency to underpin water allocation decisions in accordance with its own interests, and the role that a desocialised assessment played in reproducing unequal patterns of resource use and configuring uneven waterscapes. Nevertheless, as Chile’s ‘neoliberal’ political-economic framework privileges the role of science and technocracy, producing other forms of environmental knowledge to complement environmental science is likely to be contentious. In conclusion, the paper considers the potential of mobilising the concept of the hydrosocial cycle to further critically engage with environmental science.

The Indetermination of Senior

The commitments and working requirements of abstract, applied, and art of, economics are assessed within an analogy with the fields of inert matter and life. Abstract economics is the pure logic of the phenomenon. Applied positive economics presupposes many distinct abstract sciences. Art presupposes applied economics and direct knowledge of the specificities which characterize the time-space individuality of the phenomenon. This is an indetermination clearly formulated by Senior and Mill; its connection with institutionalism is discussed. The Ricardian Vice is the habit of ignoring the indetermination; its prevalence in mainstream economics is exemplified, and its causes analyzed.

Identidade territorial em unidades de conservação : ponto de apoio para uma análise epistemológica da questão ambiental

Esta dissertação de mestrado consiste em um estudo epistemológico da questão ambiental, baseado na análise das identidades territoriais das populações habitantes de Unidades de Conservação (UC’s). Tais populações geralmente têm um modo de vida peculiar e muito vinculado com o espaço onde vivem. Além disso, elas também têm outras percepções sobre a questão ambiental e os conceitos relacionados. Estas percepções, entretanto, geralmente são subjugadas em nome da tecnocracia presente nos órgãos e instituições que trabalham com a temática ambiental. Neste contexto, o trabalho realiza um levantamento dos impasses e conflitos existentes a partir das considerações acima expostas, e os relaciona com as visões, sobre a questão ambiental, dos diferentes grupos sociais envolvidos (poder público, setor privado, ONG´s, movimentos sociais e populações tradicionais). A esta análise acrescenta uma (re)leitura dos métodos científicos à luz da epistemologia (positivismo, neopositivismo, materialismo histórico e dialético, fenomenologia, pós-modernismo e anarquismo), e o modo como cada um deles entende os conceitos de natureza e ambiente. Após, relaciona estas concepções metodológicas com as visões dos diferentes grupos, identificando a posição mais ligada a cada um deles. Com isso, as UC’s são questionadas a partir de sua base epistêmica, que reflete a matriz de pensamento ocidental moderno, e que por sua vez tende a dicotomizar homem e natureza. Ao final, são propostas outras leituras, baseadas em outras matrizes epistemológicas, para superar os impasses relativos a este viés da questão ambiental.

Políticas públicas de educação ambiental: a gestão do programa municipal de educação ambiental de Mossoró/RN

Study about environment education public policies, emphasizing the directress since the 1970 . It analyses the environment education administration of Mossoró city, indentifying its articulation with the international directresses and the Environment Education National Policy (PNEA), established according the law number 9.795/99. The text takes as empiric reference the Environment Education National Policy (PNEA) of Mossoró city, realized since 2006. In order to make the research, we employed as methodologic proceedings a bibliographical and documental revision from wich we developed a contextualization of the propolsals toward a environment Education policy and administration, the institution of the environment Education in Brazil, in the neoliberal context on the State reform ambit. We also employed a semi-structured interview, having as individuals two Environment Education Municipal Program Administration of Mossoró city / RN state administrators and nine Municipal Education System educators. The analysis was done from the historic and dialetic perspective, trying to understand the facts in its totallity. The results revealed that the environment Education has become to be emphasize as an environment crises superation strategy since the 1970 s. In this context, the environment Education administration directress, in the United Nations (UN) initiative ambit, emphasizes the participation and the partnership as a way to share responsabilities between the State and society. In the neoliberalism affirmation context, in the 1990 s, these directresses were fortified, once, since the State reform, their functions were redimensioned and the State turns into a stronger planner an controller, inducing the society to act as a public polcies executor. Therewith, a deconcentration action process is consolidated, rather than an administrative and pedagocgic decentralization, historically revendicated on Education by the progressist sectors. Even though the administrators interviewed have revealed the wish that the schools become autonomous on the PMEA execution, through the NEAs, we notice that the methods employed do not contribute to that, because of the decisions concentration on the associated managership ambit and the few human and financial resources. In spite of the difficulties, the research showed that the Mossoró municipality innovated on the environment Education field, by the institution of the NEAs, even though they demonstrate fragilities regarding their performance, revealed on the educators and adiminstration talk on the interviews. We verify that the main difficulties come from the politc culture installed on the municipality, ruled by a technocracy and power concentration wich brings difficulties to the implementation of a democratic and participative administration, even though it would not be totally impossible, even on the circumstances described

Responda, cadáver: o discurso da crise na poesia moderna

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)