Implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique: da solidariedade socialista à trajetória tradicional do norte e à experiência emergente do sul (1975-2013)

Esta Tese examina as implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento de Moçambique em três momentos: (i) o período referente à solidariedade socialista; (ii) o contexto da cooperação tradicional Norte-Sul; (iii) a experiência (re) emergente da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Nossa incursão analítica mostra que foram cerca de 40 anos de cooperação internacional que permitiram uma série de transformações em nível político, econômico e social, e que construíram um país como um autêntico artefato de intervenção externa. Nesse sentido, analisam-se os efeitos políticos provocados pelas três propostas sugeridas de cooperação na esfera doméstica de Moçambique. Por um lado, constata-se que a cooperação internacional acaba por constituir-se em projeto de poder que afeta a produção de políticas públicas, a construção da autonomia e, mais recentemente, o processo de democratização em curso. Por outro, evidencia-se que os atores internacionais que atuam no campo da cooperação para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique agem imbuídos de seus respectivos interesses e agendas de política externa. Na relação entre os distintos atores e o Estado moçambicano, identificam-se alguns fatores-chave, tais como a fraca capacidade estatal, a existência de enormes assimetrias entre Moçambique e seus parceiros, o vício em receber cooperação que transforma essa relação em uma das principais fontes de manutenção do Estado, bem como a preservação das elites políticas tradicionais fatores que limitam o alcance dos objetivos reais de desenvolvimento que as distintas formas e modalidades de cooperação internacional prometem e buscam promover.

The politics of in-work benefits: The case of the ‘active income of solidarity’ in France

In-work benefits have been introduced in a number of Bismarckian welfare regimes in a context of austerity despite being targeted at politically weak constituents and representing a deviation from prevailing welfare institutions. This article addresses this puzzle by looking at the introduction in 2008 of an in-work benefit scheme in France, the Active Income of Solidarity. The analysis reveals that this reform was the result of a cross-cutting alliance between the conservative party and employers, as well as parts of the socialist party and the union movement. The alliance was possible thanks to actors’ multiple interpretations of the reform. The reform was difficult to oppose given its support by experts and public opinion and because it entailed an increase in revenues for low-income workers.

Post-WTO China : competition and technology transfer laws in the 'new' socialist market economy

China has been the focus of much academic and business scrutiny of late. Its economic climate is changing and its huge new market opportunities seem quite tantalizing to the would-be 'technology entrepreneur'. But China's market is a relatively immature one; it is still in the process of being opened up to real competition. The corollary of this is that, at this stage of the transitional process, there is still significant State control of market function. This article discusses Chinese competition law, the technology transfer system, how the laws are being reformed and how the technology entrepreneur fares under them. The bottom line is that while opportunities beckon, the wise entrepreneur will nevertheless continue to exercise caution.

Producing solidarity : a settlement strategy of the Karen refugee community in Brisbane, Australia

This paper explores the link between experience and context. It places the lived experiences of Karen refugees during settlement in Brisbane, Australia within the socio-political context of Burma, or particularly the historical context of persecution. Two key events – the Wrist-tying Ceremony and the Karen New Year – provide a link between experience and context. The findings of this study show a community strategically at work in a new and ongoing settlement process. This process pays respect to the complexities of cultural integrity whilst also engaging with the challenges of integration. The complexities are local (in terms of cultural, linguistic and religious diversity), national (maintaining a broader sense of community that includes linkages across Australia, as well as an engagement with the Australian socio-political context), and transnational (participating in a global Karen community). This transnational community encompasses Karen settling elsewhere in the world, Karen in refugee camps neighbouring Burma, and Karen living inside Burma. This paper argues that substantial “identity work” is involved in Karen settlement. The two key community events are useful vignettes of this identity work. Both events demonstrate how Karen cultural practices can meaningfully negotiate deeply historical ideas of Karen identity with contemporary challenges of settlement. In addition, they set out a version of settlement that departs from traditional settlement constructs; they show how the lived experience of settlement is messy, complex and dynamic, and not reflective of the neat, idealistic models that immigration policy and settlement theory project.

Spaces for Solidarity and Individualism in Educational Contexts

Foreword For children and youth, as citizens in a society, being a part of educational systems means being involved in a community. Through participation in educational systems, there is important learning about the self and others, both for individual development and social solidarity. Individual development and social solidarity are interrelated. These are important values in education at all levels. Individuals are social beings and are necessarily interdependent on others. Nevertheless, individualism and social solidarity are values that sometimes can diverge and come into conflict. These values can be defined and interpreted in various ways. In a time of neo-liberalism, for example, where individual choices and rights are put at the forefront of the societal and educational discourses in many countries it is relevant to raise questions on how issues of solidarity and individualism are interpreted and negotiated in education. What kind of shape and definitions do these concepts take when schools and preschools live under the intense pressures for the accountability of educational outcomes(Biesta, 2009)? Under what conditions can values, such as solidarity and individualism, co-exist and develop in multicultural and globalized societies, without one dominating the other...

Challenging Educational Underdevelopment: The Cuban Solidarity Approach as a Mode of South-South Cooperation

The Capacity to Share is the first book to document how Cubans share their highly developed educational services with other low-income states, especially those in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. A variety of international and Cuban authors break new ground in presenting this research. They investigate the experiences of people who have studied in Cuba on scholarships from the Cuban government, the implications for their home countries, and the work of Cuban teachers and administrators to support education in other countries. The authors discuss how the Cuban "solidarity" approach prioritizes global educational cooperation for mutual support, rather than imposing conditional aid. The book offers original and unusual insights into issues of culture, education, aid, development, and change as they relate to low-income states.

Consciousness, solidarity and hope as prevention and rehabilitation

This paper grapples with the question of how progressive criminologists might approach working with people who have committed violent or predatory crimes, or are ‘at risk’ of doing so. Progressives have often been uneasy about ‘intervention’ with people who offend: but in the face of the destructiveness of violence, especially in some parts of the world, a posture of simple non-intervention won’t suffice. I suggest three central principles – which I call consciousness, solidarity and hope – that may guide us in developing ways of working with offenders that are both progressive and effective.

Arrival of Ludwig Marum and other socialist leaders from Baden (Karlsruhe) to the concentration camp Kislau.

Includes l-r: Hermann Stenz, Adam Remmele, Erwin Sammet, Ludwig Marum, Gustav Heller, Sally Gruenebaum and August Furrer

Deportation of Ludwig Marum and other socialist leaders from Baden (Karlsruhe) to the concentration camp Kislau.

Typed caption on verso: Schaufahrt durch Karlsruhe, 16 May 1933 auf der Kaiserstrasse mit dem Blick auf die Fahrbahn: ganz hinten allein: Ludwig Marum dann: Erwin Sammet u. Hermann Stenz verdeckt: Sally Gruenebaum u. August Furrer vorne: Gustav Heller u. Adam Remmele

Arrival of Ludwig Marum and other socialist leaders from Baden (Karlsruhe) to the concentration camp Kislau.

Includes l-r: Hermann Stenz, Adam Remmele, Erwin Sammet, Ludwig Marum, Gustav Heller, Sally Gruenebaum and August Furrer

Deportation of Ludwig Marum and other socialist leaders from Baden (Karlsruhe) to the concentration camp Kislau.

Typed caption on verso: Schaufahrt durch Karlsruhe, 16 May 1933 auf der Kaiserstrasse mit dem Blick auf die Fahrbahn: ganz hinten allein: Ludwig Marum dann: Erwin Sammet u. Hermann Stenz verdeckt: Sally Gruenebaum u. August Furrer vorne: Gustav Heller u. Adam Remmele

Socialist Realism instead of Formalism : the Formation and Development of the Soviet Music Control System 1932-1950

Whereas it has been widely assumed in the public that the Soviet music policy system had a “top-down” structure of control and command that directly affected musical creativity, in fact my research shows that the relations between the different levels of the music policy system were vague, and the viewpoints of its representatives differed from each other. Because the representatives of the party and government organs controlling operas could not define which kind of music represented Socialist Realism, the system as it developed during the 1930s and 1940s did not function effectively enough in order to create such a centralised control of Soviet music, still less could Soviet operas fulfil the highly ambiguous aesthetics of Socialist Realism. I show that musical discussions developed as bureaucratic ritualistic arenas, where it became more important to reveal the heretical composers, making scapegoats of them, and requiring them to perform self-criticism, than to give directions on how to reach the artistic goals of Socialist Realism. When one opera was found to be unacceptable, this lead to a strengthening of control by the party leadership, which lead to more operas, one after the other, to be revealed as failures. I have studied the control of the composition, staging and reception of the opera case-studies, which remain obscure in the West despite a growing scholarly interest in them, and have created a detailed picture of the foundation and development of the Soviet music control system in 1932-1950. My detailed discussion of such case-studies as Ivan Dzerzhinskii’s The Quiet Don, Dmitrii Shostakovich’s Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk District, Vano Muradeli’s The Great Friendship, Sergei Prokofiev’s Story of a Real Man, Tikhon Khrennikov’s Frol Skobeev and Evgenii Zhukovskii’s From All One’s Heart backs with documentary precision the historically revisionist model of the development of Soviet music. In February 1948, composers belonging to the elite of the Union of Soviet Composers, e.g. Dmitri Shostakovich and Sergei Prokofiev, were accused in a Central Committee Resolution of formalism, as been under the influence of western modernism. Accusations of formalism were connected to the criticism of the conciderable financial, material and social privileges these composers enjoyed in the leadership of the Union. With my new archival findings I give a more detailed picture of the financial background for the 1948 campaign. The independent position of the music funding organization of the Union of Soviet Composers (Muzfond) to decide on its finances was an exceptional phenomenon in the Soviet Union and contradicted the strivings to strengthen the control of Soviet music. The financial audits of the Union of Soviet Composers did not, however, change the elite status of some of its composers, except for maybe a short duration in some cases. At the same time the independence of the significal financial authorities of Soviet theatres was restricted. The cuts in the governmental funding allocated to Soviet theatres contradicted the intensified ideological demands for Soviet operas.

Workers are doing it for themselves? Local labor solidarity in precarious times

Historically, organized labor has played a fundamental role in guaranteeing basic rights and privileges for screen media workers and defending union and guild members (however unevenly) from egregious abuses of power. Yet, despite the recent turn to labor in media and cultural studies, organized labor today has received only scant attention, even less so in locations outside Hollywood. This presentation thus intervenes in two significant ways: first, it acknowledges the ongoing global ‘undoing’ of organized labor as a consequence of footloose production and conglomeration within the screen industries, and second, it examines a case example of worker solidarity and political praxis taking shape outside formal labor institutions in response to those structural shifts. Accordingly, it links an empirical study of individual agency to broader debates associated with the spatial dynamics of screen media production, including local capacity, regional competition, and precariousness. Drawing from ethnographic interviews with local film and television workers in Glasgow, Scotland, I consider the political alliance among three nascent labor organizations in the city: one for below-the-line crew, one for facility operators, and (oddly enough) one for producers. Collectively, the groups share a desire to transform Glasgow into a global production hub, following the infrastructure developments in nearby cities like Belfast, Prague, and Budapest. They furthermore frame their objectives in political terms: establishing global scale is considered a necessary maneuver to improve local working conditions like workplace safety, income disparity, skills training, and job access. Ultimately, I argue these groups are a product of an inadequate union structure and outdated policy vision for the screen sector , once-supportive institutions currently out of sync with the global realities of media production. Furthermore, the groups’ advocacy efforts reveal the extent to which workers themselves (in additional to capital) can seek “spatial fixes” to suture their prospects to specific political and economic goals. Of course, such activities manifest under conditions outside of the workers’ control but nevertheless point to an important tension within capitalist social relations, namely that the agency to reshape the spatial relationships in their own lives recasts the geography of labor in terms that aren’t inherent or exclusive to the interests of global capital.