22 resultados para Sharia


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The financial markets in Turkey provide a laboratory to help resolve these competing views. Islamic law or Sharia contains a number of proscriptions that directly affect financial practices. The payment and receipt of interest is prohibited; so are most kinds of commercial insurance. These interpretations provided the impetus in the Islamic world for the creation of a class of banks that sought to offer Sharia compliant services. The first Islamic Banks in Turkey began operations in the 1980s. Their entry was initially tepid, in no small part because of secularist principles. Islamic financial institutions could not overtly advertise their religious orientation. The country had no “Islamic” banks, only finance houses. They were not Sharia compliant but “interest-free.” Moreover, the government left them in an uncertain regulatory status and subjected them to restrictions on growth. In this environment, the Islamic banks remained a peripheral part of the financial system. With the election of the AKP in 2002, however, the environment for Islamic banks in Turkey changed. Limitations on branch networks and capital raising were lifted. The government removed restrictions on the issuance of Sharia compliant bonds. Officials from the Islamic banks were appointed to the highest levels of government. This Article does several things. First, it examines principles of Islam that affect banking practices, with a particular emphasis on deposit insurance and credit cards. Second, the Article discusses the emergence of secularism in Turkey and the introduction of Islamic banks into the Turkish financial markets. The Article then examine their evolution, with particular emphasis on the changes implemented by the AKP. Finally, the Article examines the impact of these reforms, and what that impact says about Islamic influence in Turkey.

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Os tribunais – não apenas o TEDH, mas também e sobretudo os tribunais nacionais – têm vindo a assumir um papel importante na integração dos muçulmanos nas sociedades europeias, sendo como são, com crescente frequência, chamados a arbitrar disputas culturais e jurídicas entre a lei estadual e as normas éticas e jurídicas contidas na Lei islâmica (Sharia) e invocadas pelas partes em litígio como fundamento para os comportamentos ou as reivindicações sub judice. Quando as partes no litígio são estrangeiros, a operação das regras de Direito Internacional Privado pode implicar a aplicação de disposições de Direito estrangeiro com fundamento religioso (como acontece, por exemplo, com o Código da Família do Reino de Marrocos, largamente fundado na Lei islâmica), um resultado que só poderá ser afastado se se concluir que a aplicação de tais disposições é contrária a princípios de ordem pública do Estado do foro, tais como o princípio da igualdade entre homens e mulheres. Quando as partes no litígio têm a nacionalidade do Estado do foro, o que é cada vez mais frequente, as normas éticas e jurídicas de origem islâmica poderão ser atendidas ou não pelos tribunais, dependendo do entendimento que os concretos juízes tenham do que sejam o secularismo, a liberdade de religião ou crença, o princípio da igualdade e a proteção dos direitos das minorias.

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Ce mémoire traite du droit de l’adoption dans une perspective comparative entre régimes arabo-musulman, français et québécois. Dans un premier temps est abordée la place de l’enfant dans l’Islam : de sa conception au sein de la famille musulmane à l’ensemble de ses droits selon le droit religieux. Ce tour d’horizon permet d’aborder l’épineux problème de l’interdiction de l’adoption par le Coran et les alternatives qui ont été développées pour y remédier, plus particulièrement la kafala. La kafala sera expliquée et située dans l’ordre public international, puis examinée au regard de quatre législations arabes : le Maroc, la Tunisie, l’Algérie et le Liban. Dans un deuxième temps, la question sera examinée d’un point de vue occidental. Il y sera analysé la possibilité et les difficultés entourant l’application des règles musulmanes de statut personnel en France et au Québec. Finalement sera abordé l’accueil que ces deux sociétés ont réservé à la kafala dans leur système respectif.

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Suite à la crise financière globale de 2008, ainsi qu’aux différents facteurs qui y ont mené, il est étonnant qu’une alternative éthique et juste pour une finance lucrative et stable n’existe toujours pas (ou du moins, demeure oubliée). Ayant décidé de contribuer au domaine pluri-centenaire du Droit Commercial de la Chari’a, nous avons été surpris par la découverte d’une problématique à l’origine de cette thèse. En France, nous avons suivi des débats doctrinaux intéressants dont les conclusions se rapprochent de la perception générale Occidentale quand à la nature de la finance Islamique, que ce soit au niveau de la finance basée sur le Droit de la Chari’a ou encore les exigences de sa pleine introduction dans le système juridique français de l’époque. Cet intérêt initial dans la finance islamique a ensuite mené à un intérêt dans la question des avantages d’éthique et de justice du Droit Commercial de la Chari’a dans son ensemble, qui est au coeur de cette thèse. Dans le monde moderne du commerce et de la finance d’aujourd’hui, les transactions sont marquées par une prise de risque excessive et un esprit de spéculation qui s’apparente aux jeux de hasard, et menant à des pertes colossales. Pire encore, ces pertes sont ensuite transférées à la collectivité. Par conséquent, y at-il des préceptes, des principes ou des règles éthiques et juridiques qui peuvent fournir une certaine forme de sécurité et de protection dans les marchés financiers d'aujourd'hui? Est-ce réalisable? Cette thèse soutient que la richesse de la jurisprudence islamique ainsi que ses règles dont les avantages n’ont pas encore été pleinement saisis et régénérés en réponse aux nouveaux défis d’aujourd'hui, peuvent encore fournir continuellement des solutions, et réformer des produits financiers de façon à refléter des principes de justice et d'équité. Dans ce processus, un éclairage nouveau sera apporté à certains sujets déjà connus dans le cadre de la contribution prévue de cette thèse, mais ne sera pas le principal objectif de la thèse.

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El propósito de este trabajo es demostrar el análisis de los movimientos islamistas en Egipto, en este caso la Hermandad Musulmana. Para esto nos enfocaremos en una primera parte a estudiar el origen de la Hermandad musulmana, debatiremos si existe una carta fundacional o un programa político, incluso analizaremos el intento de formalizar un programa político durante la presidencia de Hosni Mubarak y la Hermandad contemporánea. En la segunda parte, será primordial el estudio de la reforma política de 2007 en Egipto, estudiaremos la posición de la reforma desde el punto de vista del Partido Nacional Democrático (PND), de Hosni Mubarak, de la Hermandad Musulmana, de los partidos políticos de oposición y de la comunidad internacional. Finalmente abordaremos las estrategias políticas de la Hermandad Musulmana durante el gobierno de Hosni Mubarak, luego estudiaremos las estrategias políticas implementadas por el Presidente Mubarak y analizaremos las relaciones entre la Hermandad Musulmana y Hosni Mubarak durante la presidencia.

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La constante crisis que ha atravesado la república Islámica de Afganistán, durante más de dos décadas, tiene sus cimientos en el choque entre las diferentes etnias y grupos religiosos que conforman la sociedad afgana, los cuales han conformado una larga lucha por hacerse al poder y a la dirigencia de esta nación. Pashtunes, tayikos y hazaras, son parte de la composición étnica, mientras que sunitas y chiítas por parte del Islám, y minorías budistas, hinduistas y sijs, conforman la variedad de religiones que se encuentran en este país. La mayoría de población es pashtun y sunnita, y por lo mismo la mayoría de gobiernos que han encabezado la nación afgana han sido igualmente de esta etnia y religión. A pesar de ello, se encuentran hasta hoy diferencias entre este mismo grupo que se expresan en cuán estricta debe ser regida la vida de un musulmán por el Corán y la Sharia.

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Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.

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The paper looks at the works of notable Islamic feminists to examine whether Islam can be reconciled with a substantive approach to gender equality. Located within contemporary feminist debates related to gender equality, it considers the Qur’anic verses related to two controversial areas of Shari’a law, namely, duty of obedience and polygamy, to explore how Islamic scriptures perceive ‘difference’ and its implications for substantive equality-based legal reforms in a Muslim society.

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The paper seeks to draw attention to some of the recent cases relating to child custody law in Bangladesh where, deviating from orthodox Shari’a rules, courts have looked to ‘the welfare’ of the child in determining which parent shall have custody. In studying the recent ‘welfare of child’ standard that has been advanced by the courts in Bangladesh, the paper aims to explore its implications for Muslim women from a feminist perspective.

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This Master’s Thesis examines transnational conflicts and Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria between the years 2001 and 2006. It focuses on two major transnational conflicts: The September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States and the Danish cartoon controversy of 2005/2006. It discusses the impact of these transnational conflicts on Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria in the light of the implementation of the Sharia Law in some northern Nigerian states and the improved access to the broadcast media and mobile telephone communication in Nigeria. By underscoring the relationship between transnational conflicts and the local context, this study provides a new perspective for understanding Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria

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Followers of three world religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are waiting for the Messiah. Muslims are even waiting for aspiritual leader al-Mahdi. Two different persons claimed the title of al-Mahdi, at the end of the nineteenth century. Theyappeared almost at the same time, at the totally different places of the earth, with a completely different message and underthe rule of the British colonial power. The aim of the study is to compare the both religious figures, Mirza Ghulam Ahmadfrom India and Muhammad Ahmad from Sudan regarding their different messages, to illustrate the social, political andreligious factors that lead to the entirely different profile and image of these two men and how their organizations havedeveloped after their death up till today. The result shows that the Sudanese Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad claimed hisMahdiship in the year 1881. He became a political leader in a time when Sudan was under the rule of a colonial power. Hetook advantage of the religion for personal purposes and tried to liberate his native country Sudan. The contemporaryMuslim clergy criticized him for his claim because the content of the Hadith traditions did not support his claim ofMahdiship. He maintained his sole right for the interpretation of religion and of the laws of Sharia. He made changes even inthe chief pillars of Islam by asserting that Jehad with sword was more imperative than the pilgrimage journey to Mecca. Heasserted that the Prophet Muhammad himself had entrusted him to launch the holy war against the non-believers. He hadimmense ambitions which were never fulfilled since he suddenly died four years after his claim for Mahdiship, in June 1885.This day his followers are organized as a political party in Sudan with a modest roll in the Sudanese politics. The IndianMahdi Mirza Ghulam Ahmad claimed in 1889 to be Mahdi, Mujaddid, Muhaddas, Messiah and a Prophet at a time of socialand political peace, though Islam as a religion was firmly pushed by the Hindu and Christian missionaries. He had no politicalambitions at all and was utterly loyal to the British colonial power. His mission was to crush the Cross and to demonstrateIslam’s excellence over all the religions of the world through overwhelming arguments. He proclaimed that Jesus was humanand a Prophet and not the son of God. Jesus survived from the cross and died a natural death after he had lived for manyyears. Ahmad claimed that God had commanded him to put stop to the religious wars. The contemporary Muslim clergyblamed him for being an imposter, melancholic and hypochondriac who had self invented the divine revelations. He died year1908, nineteen years after his claim and the communion he found is established today in more than hundred countries of theworld. Reasons for the breakdown of mission of the Sudanese Mahdi were that his objectives were political and he challengedthe colonial power with the sword. Another decisive factor was his sudden death merely four years after the beginning of hismission. Reasons for the success of Indian Mahdi were that his objectives were purely religious and he was wholly loyal to theforeign government. He survived nineteen years after the beginning of his mission which made it possible for him to create acommunion based on solid grounds. His followers continued on the same path and never engaged in local politics where everthey lived. For further studies it will be of great interest to study the life of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and objectively examine thearguments he presented in support of his divine appointment. Furthermore it is enriching to study the organization andactivities of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community to explore if they are in accordance with the basic principles of Ahmad.