939 resultados para Risk society


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"This book focuses on issues in literacy and technology at the K-12 level in a holistic manner so that the needs of teachers and researchers can be addressed through the use of state-of-the-art perspectives"

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Since the 1980s the concept of risk has produced a large and diverse volume of sociological research. Ulrich Beck’s groundbreaking risk society thesis provides a particularly engaging contribution, since it seems that nearly every sociological account of risk engages with this work. For Beck, we are living in second modernity – a new epoch that breaks with pre-modernity and industrial society due to the centrality, incalculability and reflexivity of globalised risk. While Beck’s theory is compelling, a reading of other theorists such as Foucault (2007[1978]) and Hacking (1975,1990) suggests that a difficulty with Beck’s work is that in attempting to explain what is novel about risk in contemporary times, he too quickly passes over the complexities and ruptures of historical change that impact on the history and contingency of risk. This paper begins by presenting a brief analysis of the present state of risk by introducing Beck’s historical narrative of risk from pre-modernity to the risk society; it then outlines the challenges with the “risk as epoch” argument by considering a range of literature, which suggests risk has a more complex history than proposed by Beck; and finally it highlights the value in examining strategies of statecraft in early modern Europe, specifically Machiavelli’s The Prince (2008[1513]) and Giovanni Botero’s political treatise, Della Ragion di Stato (1956[1589]) – as a means of more thoroughly understanding how our current concept of risk emerges. In doing so, this paper seeks to open up new trajectories in the historicisation of risk for other interested scholars.

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Reviewing the European North/South Divide under the Prism of Beck’s ‘Risk society’ Thesis
Southern European political cultures have been viewed as extremely disadvantageous terrains for the development of a civic culture compatible to the requirements of a modern polity. Trust confined to the local and the familial, weak civil societies, violation of the law in the absence of supervision are some of the elements combined to draw an extremely negative picture of southern European political cultures in the relevant literature. These are very well entrenched perceptions that dominate all studies dealing with social aspects the southern European nations. Recent works produced by students of environmental mobilisations have argued that the environmental problematique has operated as a catalyst that, at least, forces us to re-examine the aforementioned perspectives if not to outright dismiss them.

This paper argues that although these challenging perspectives are not immune from criticisms, they have put forward a strong case that deserves further attention. A careful reading of Beck’s ‘risk society’ thesis suggests that mistrust to expert authorities and defensive reactions by social actors against them are not confined to specific national contexts but are now characteristics of countries previously held to be exemplary cases of civicness. Following that observation the paper proceeds by posing a number of related questions:

1) Can we argue that we are witnessing a general ‘Mediterranisation’ of European political culture or by arguing that we essentially accept what was idealistic evaluations of post-war European cultures determined by specific political conceptions?

2) Is there still any role for the use of a north/south divide in the cross-national study of social processes and to what extent?



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In 2001, the Victorian state government approved the construction of a 500-megawatt power station at Stonehaven by US multinational corporation, AES Power One. In 2002 plans had stalled and the company had withdrawn from the process. By March, 2002 the state government flagged that the power station was no longer required to meet power supply demands. This paper applies Beck’s theories of risk society and reflexive modernisation to a case study. It asks to what extent is Australia a risk society? Is the Stonehaven case part of a larger-scale cultural and political movement and if so what are the consequences for corporate and civil citizenship and public communication in Australia?

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This paper contrasts the characteristics of different types of modernities, noting the present transition occurring between its simple and reflexive manifestations. It then demonstrates how mainstream industrial relations theories have long been framed by a collectivist 'risk insurance principle '. In combining these two observations the argument is made that theories built around institutional dependencies that rely on the evidence or assumption ofoperable risk insurance principles and collective guardianships of workplace well being make less sense in a world of emerging personal narratives ofchoice and dependency that centre around individuals taking personal responsibility for avoiding or diminishing the risks of their engagement with uncertain labour markets. The discussion concludes by setting out the social and epistemological conditions under which future industrial relations theorising might beframed so as to accommodate these emerging conditions in a manner that is both realistic and relevant.

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The article presents information on the idea of risk management. The origins of the contemporary constructions of risk are found in the seventeenth century, with the development of maritime insurance. In the context of maritime trading, risk came to be seen in terms of the balance between acquisitive opportunities and potential dangers and calculations of future loss of a ship or cargo. Today perceptions of risk affect our actions and strategies in areas of our life as diverse as health, parenting, crime prevention, recreation and travel. Public policy tends to be focused around risk avoidance and risk management, particularly in areas of child protection and aged care. While most of the discussions of risk have focused on risks as bads in society, risk has also been identified as a good. Risk is deemed a good when it challenges people to think differently and creatively. From a neo-liberal perspective risk opens up opportunities for unleashing of entrepreneurial capacity. In the context of the modernist commitment to the idea that people have the potential to control their own destiny, identification of threats and dangers can energize people to be adventurous. The discourse of risk has framed all the reports of the outbreaks of new strains of infection and includes instructions on how to recognize the risk assessments of its spread and instructions on how to avoid its spread.

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The commendable intention to protect children from risk must be weighed against loss of personal freedom when imposing extended supervision orders under the Serious Sex Offenders Monitoring Act.

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This paper overviews a case study of environmental grassroots activism in Victoria, Australia, between 1995 and 2003. The Otway Ranges Environment Network (OREN) is significant for its successful communication campaign to change forest practices and policy decision-making in the Otway Ranges, and for its intervention in a long-standing and exclusive relationship between government and the timber industry. This paper describes and analyses pivotal parts of the OREN campaign: firstly, the group's strategy to boycott paper and pulp manufacture Kimberly-Clark Australia; and secondly, its decision to participate in the West Victoria Regional Forest Agreement (RFA) process to negotiate the future of Otway forest. Informed by the empirical research and the works of social theorists Ulrich Beck and Jurgen Habermas, this paper outlines a strategic approach to communication that is effective, fair and sustainable, and that can be applied by other non-profits - especially those that operate in politically volatile environments with a grassroots agenda.

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After undergoing rapid socio-economic and political transformation, the Republic of Korea has arrived at the stage of development which Beck refers to as a risk society. Korea has experienced both sides of the risks which accompany modernity: the wealth associated with an advanced economy and also the hazards which are by-products of industrial society. However the Korean case is distinctive, this article argues, due to the state’s role in calibrating and managing risk. Whereas prior to the financial crisis of 1997–98 state elites privileged big business and exposed workers to higher levels of risk, calculations of the costs and benefits of risk have changed since the financial crisis. A notable outcome has been the straining of traditionally close ties between the state and the chaebŏl.