The BRICS and the responsibility to protect : lessons from the Libyan and Syrian crises

The emerging ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) principle presents a significant challenge to the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) states’ traditional emphasis on a strict Westphalian understanding of state sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs. Despite formally endorsing R2P at the 2005 World Summit, each of the BRICS has, to varying degrees, retained misgivings about coercive measures under the doctrine’s third pillar. This paper examines how these rising powers engaged with R2P during the 2011–2012 Libyan and Syrian civilian protection crises. The central finding is that although all five states expressed similar concerns over NATO’s military campaign in Libya, they have been unable to maintain a common BRICS position on R2P in Syria. Instead, the BRICS have splintered into two sub-groups. The first, consisting of Russia and China, remains steadfastly opposed to any coercive measures against Syria. The second, comprising the democratic IBSA states (India, Brazil and South Africa) has displayed softer, more flexible stances towards proposed civilian protection measures in Syria, although these three states also remain cautious about the implementation of R2P’s coercive dimension. This paper identifies a number of factors which help to explain this split, arguing that the failure to maintain a cohesive BRICS position on R2P is unsurprising given the many internal differences and diverging national interests between the BRICS members. Overall, the BRICS’ ongoing resistance to intervention is unlikely to disappear quickly, indicating that further attempts to operationalize R2P’s third pillar may prove difficult.

As estratégias de política externa na construção do Brasil emergente: uma análise do período de Lula da Silva, 2003-2010

O presente trabalho de investigação estuda a estratégia de política externa brasileira enquanto causa para a emergência internacional do Brasil. Pretendemos compreender em que medida as opções de política externa determinaram a emergência internacional do Brasil durante o período dos Governos de Lula da Silva (2003-2006 e 2007-2010). A emergência internacional é aqui entendida enquanto uma atitude de aumento do protagonismo internacional do país e da influência das decisões e do desenho do sistema internacional. Ao mesmo tempo tentou verificar-se se essa emergência ocorreu em simultâneo com a ascensão do Brasil a um novo estatuto na hierarquia dos Estados no sistema internacional, tendo em conta o seu objectivo de contribuir para uma ordem multipolar. A nossa investigação, sustentada pelas abordagens Realista Neoclássica e Construtivista, partiu da premissa de que as estratégias de política externa do Brasil têm sido marcados por uma tendência para projectar a influência internacional do Brasil, e que, com Lula da Silva, a recuperação de uma política externa assertiva e pragmática contribuiu para o sucesso dessas tentativas. Por conseguinte, a capacidade do Brasil em criar condições de estabilidade interna (redução da pobreza e crescimento económico) e regional terão estado também na base da sua projecção internacional. Simultaneamente, a reorganização do sistema internacional a par da rentabilização das oportunidades, e uma nova postura na formulação da política externa pelos actores responsáveis, formam o puzzle que permitiu dar continuidade e consolidar, durante os dois mandatos de Lula, ao percurso de ascensão do Brasil no sistema internacional. A investigação permitiu-nos retirar quatro conclusões essenciais: i) é indiscutível o peso da variável actores na emergência internacional do Brasil enquanto resultado de política externa; ii) a região não foi determinante na emergência internacional do país, mas influenciou, indirectamente, essa aspiração ao permitir que o Brasil se projectasse como um interlocutor válido e como uma Potência Regional; iii) a estratégia desenvolvida com as Grandes Potências não determinou a emergência internacional do Brasil e iv) as dimensões Sul-Sul e Multilateral da estratégia externa do Brasil tiveram um efeito directo na emergência internacional do país ao tornarem possível a actuação autónoma e independente do país. Em síntese, o revisionismo que caracterizou a política externa do Brasil não foi feito por confrontação com os Estados Unidos (ou com a União Europeia), pelo contrário, com ambos os actores se manteve uma relação assertiva. Foi ainda possível verificar a existência não apenas de uma política externa assertiva, mas também reactiva e personalizada, o que pode ser característico dos Estados que estão no «meio», os quais serão provavelmente menos imunes às características dos contextos e dos actores, do que os que estão no topo da hierarquia.

Shifting global powers and international law : challenges and opportunities [Challenges of Globalisation series]

This book examines the influence of emerging economies on international legal rules, institutions and processes. It describes recent and predicted changes in economic, political and cultural powers, flowing from the growth of emerging economies such as China, India, Brazil, South Africa and Russia, and analyses the influence of these changes on various legal frameworks and norms. Its contributors come from a variety of fields of expertise, including international law, politics, environmental law, human rights, economics and finance. The book begins by providing a broad analysis of the nature of the shifting global dynamic in its historical and contemporary contexts, including analysis of the rise of China as a major economic and political power and the end of the period of United States domination in international affairs. It illustrates the impact of these changes on states’ domestic policies and priorities, as they adapt to a new international dynamic. The authors then offer a range of perspectives on the impact of these changes as they relate to specific regimes and issues, including climate change regulation, collective security, indigenous rights, the rights of women and girls, environmental protection and foreign aid and development. The book provides a fresh and comprehensive analysis of an issue with extensive implications for international law and politics.

Flowers powers : Mars or Venus?

Hartley proposes that what we need is a 'respect for a "law" of interdependent toleration of positions with which we don't agree, which are held by people we don't like. The usual name for this remarkable achievement is -"TV comedy." '

World's pre-eminent powers recent treatment to international law : a paradigm of interest served or harmed

The US's recent rejection of some international laws may have been done to ensure American interests but it may have the opposite effects. While its recent rejection of some international legal arrangements has meant an unpopular opinion of America, its interest has been served.

Enduring powers of attorney : promoting attorneys' accountability as substitute decision makers

Aim The misuse and abuse of Enduring Powers of Attorney (EPAs) by attorneys, particularly in relation to financial decision-making, is a growing concern. This paper explores the opportunities to enhance accountability of attorneys at the time of the execution of the document in Queensland. Method A four stage multi-method design comprised a critical reference group; semi-structured interviews with 32 principals or potential principals, attorneys and witnesses; two focus groups with service providers and a state wide survey of 76 principals, attorneys and witnesses. Results Across all methods and user groups, understanding the role and obligations of the attorney in an EPA was consistently identified as problematic. Conclusions Promoting accountability and understanding can be addressed by greater attention to the role of the attorney in the forms/ guidelines and in the structure and witnessing of the forms, increased direction about record keeping and access to appropriate advice and support.

Dreams and nightmares of alternative powers' futures

This chapter argues the importance of the role and nature of other powers to world order. The author suggests that, if the US are not prepared to take a lead in creating a rules-based legal order, they should and can do so – and it is in their interests to do so. America should be a natural leader in this process, taking part in a global dialogue just as they did in the transatlantic dialogue during the late eighteenth century.

Gender-based undervaluation and the equal remuneration powers of Fair Work Australia

We investigate gender-based wage undervaluation in light of FairWork Australia’s major recent decision for social and community service workers. Using regression methods, we demonstrate that wages for employees in female-dominated occupations are significantly lower than for comparable employees in male-dominated and integrated occupations. This undervaluation is present for both male and female employees, and persists after controlling for industry of employment. We then estimate the undervaluation within industry and juxtapose the results with evidence on the industry distribution of award reliance, a proxy for Fair Work Australia’s equal remuneration powers. There is not a strong relationship within industries between the extent of gender-based undervaluation and award reliance. This suggests that ‘equal remuneration for work of equal or comparable value’ is unlikely to be achieved universally by Fair Work Australia without substantial spillovers between awards and non-award agreements.

The wrong tool for the job? The predictive powers of the DBQ in a sample of Queensland motorists

Introduction This study reports on the application of the Manchester Driver Behaviour Questionnaire (DBQ) to examine the self-reported driving behaviours (e.g., speeding, errors & aggressive manoeuvres) and predict crash involvement among a sample of general Queensland motorists. Material and Methods Surveys were completed by 249 general motorists on-line or via a pen-and-paper format. Results A factor analysis revealed a three factor solution for the DBQ which was consistent with previous Australian-based research. It accounted for 40.5% of the total variance, although some cross-loadings were observed on nine of the twenty items. The internal reliability of the DBQ was satisfactory. However, multivariate analysis using the DBQ revealed little predictive ability of the tool to predict crash involvement or demerit point loss e.g. violation notices. Rather, exposure to the road was found to be predictive of crashes, although speeding did make a small contribution to those who recently received a violation notice. Conclusions Taken together, the findings contribute to a growing body of research that raises questions about the predictive ability of the most widely used driving assessment tool globally. Ongoing research (which also includes official crash and offence outcomes) is required to better understand the actual contribution that the DBQ can make to understanding and improving road safety. Future research should also aim to confirm whether this lack of predictive efficacy originates from broader issues inherent within self-report data (e.g., memory recall problems) or issues underpinning the conceptualisation of the scale.

Shifting Powers : Protection of Refugees and Displaced Persons in the Asia Pacific Region

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR) 2011 statistics on refugee populations residing by region are a stark reminder of the challenge facing states and civil society in the Asia Pacific. In 2011, Africa hosted 2,149,000 refugees; the Americas, Europe, and Middle East and North Africa hosted 513 ,500, 1,605,500 and 1,889,900 respectively, while the Asia Pacific hosted a staggering 3,793,900. The fact that 35 per cent of the world's refugees reside in the Asia Pacific, coupled with the fact that 84 per cent of refugees displaced in Asia remain in the region,raises the questions why so few countries in the region are signatories to the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees ('Refugee Convention') or cognate rights instruments and why no formally binding regional agreement exists for the equitable sharing of responsibilities for refugees...