995 resultados para Reproductive rights
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In this thesis, I explore how the folk-rock music of Ani DiFranco has influenced the activist commitments, sensibilities, and activities of reproductive rights activists. My interest in the relation of popular music to social movements is informed by the work of Simon Frith (1987, 1996a, 1996b), Rob Rosenthal (2001), and Ann Savage (2003). Frith argues that popular music is an important contributor to personal identity and the ways that listeners see the world. Savage (2003) writes that fans develop a unique relationship with feminist/political music, and Rosenthal (2001) argues that popular music can be an important factor in building social movements. I use these arguments to ask what the influence of Ani DiFranco's music has been for reproductive rights activists who are her fans. I conducted in-depth interviews with ten reproductive rights activists who are fans of Ani DiFranco's music. All ten are women in their twenties and thirties living in Ontario or New York. Each has been listening to DiFranco's music for between two and fifteen years, and has considered herself a reproductive rights activist for between eighteen months and twenty years. I examine these women's narratives of their relationships with Ani DiFranco's music and their activist experience through the interconnected lenses of identity, consciousness, and practice. Listening to Ani DiFranco's music affects the fluid ways these women understand their identities as women, as feminists, and in solidarity with others. I draw on Freire's (1970) understanding of conscientization to consider the role that Ani's music has played in heightening women's awareness about reproductive rights issues. The feeling of solidarity with other (both real and perceived) activist fans gives them more confidence that they can make a difference in overcoming social injustice. They believe that Ani's music encourages productive anger, which in turn fuels their passion to take action to make change. Women use Ani's music deliberately for energy and encouragement in their continued activism, and find that it continues to resonate with their evolving identities as women, feminists, and activists. My study builds on those of Rosenthal (2001) and Savage (2003) by focusing on one artist and activists in one social movement. The characteristics of Ani DiFranco, her fan base, and the reproductive rights movement allow new understanding of the ways that female fans who are members of a female-dominated feminist movement interact with the music of a popular independent female artist.
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Includes bibliography
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EUROPEAN MASTER’S DEGREE IN HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRATISATION Academic Year 2007/2008
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Many “workers” in north temperate colonies of the eusocial paper wasp Polistes fuscatus disappear within a few days of eclosion. We provide evidence that these females are pursuing an alternative reproductive strategy, i.e., dispersing to overwinter and become nest foundresses the following spring, instead of helping to rear brood on their natal nests. A female is most likely to stay and help at the natal nest (i.e., least likely to disperse) when it is among the first workers to emerge and when it emerges on a nest with more pupae (even though worker-brood relatedness tends to be lower in such colonies). The latter cause may result from the fact that pupae-laden nests are especially likely to survive, and thus any direct or indirect reproductive payoffs for staying and working are less likely to be lost. Disappearing females are significantly smaller than predicted if dispersal tendency was independent of body size (emergence order-controlled), suggesting that the females likely to be most effective at challenging for reproductive rights within the natal colony (i.e., the largest females) are also most likely to stay. Thus, early dispersal is conditional on a female’s emergence order, the maturity of its natal nest, and its body size. Finally, we present evidence that foundresses may actively limit the sizes of first-emerging females, perhaps to decrease the probability that the latter can effectively challenge foundresses for reproductive rights. The degree to which foundresses limit the size of first-emerging females accords well with the predictions of the theory of staying incentives.
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Addressing the issue of “women’s rights” in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights” as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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Sexualidade e saúde reprodutiva configuram questões relevantes para o cuidado integral à saúde de pessoas vivendo com HIV. Políticas públicas e serviços de saúde, entretanto, têm dedicado insuficiente atenção ao assunto. O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender como adolescentes e jovens soropositivos lidam com suas experiências sexuais e projetos de namoro, desejo de constituir família e de ter filhos. O estudo qualitativo entrevistou em profundidade 21 adolescentes vivendo com HIV (por transmissão vertical, sexual ou sanguínea) e 13 cuidadores de crianças e jovens, vivendo em São Paulo e em Santos, Brasil. As narrativas descrevem como aprenderam a lidar com a sexualidade e a ansiedade da revelação do diagnóstico nesse contexto. Destacam-se nas narrativas o despreparo, a desinformação sobre prevenção e a falta de apoio para lidar com a situação, assim como o estigma e a discriminação que atravessa grande parte das dificuldades relatadas. O artigo discute criticamente alguns dos desafios postos para uma adequada atenção à questão no Brasil, especialmente a consideração de jovens soropositivos como sujeitos de direitos sexuais, sugerindo diretrizes para a incorporação desta temática a um cuidado integral e humanizado de crianças e jovens vivendo com HIV.
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Este artigo sistematiza as razões que levaram a um descompasso entre o reconhecimento jurídico dos direitos sexuais e dos direitos reprodutivos, por meio da análise de três perspectivas: a da História, a da moral religiosa, especialmente a Católica Romana e, por fim, a do Direito. O artigo conclui apresentando os ganhos para a democracia e a cidadania pública de homossexuais (gays e lésbicas) e mulheres heterossexuais caso haja o reconhecimento jurídico dos direitos sexuais.
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A large number of countries worldwide have legalized homosexual rights. But for 147 years, since when India was a British colony, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code defines homosexuality as a crime, punishable by imprisonment. This outdated law violates the fundamental rights of homosexuals in India. Despite the fact that literature drawn from Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, and modern fiction testify to the presence of same-sex love in various forms, homosexuality is still considered a taboo subject in India, by both the society and the government. In the present article, the continuation of the outdated colonial-era homosexuality law and its impact on the underprivileged homosexual society in India is discussed, as well as consequences to this group's health in relation to HIV infection.
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OBJECTIVE: To analyze users' reasons for choosing in vitro fertilization treatment in public or private services and to identify their suggestions for improving fertility treatment. METHODS: A qualitative study using an interpretative approach was conducted. Fifteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with patients undergoing in vitro fertilization treatment (nine women, one man and five couples) at home or at their workplace in the districts of Viana do Castelo, Braga, Porto and Lisbon, Portugal, between July 2005 and February 2006. RESULTS: Users evaluated access to in vitro fertilization treatment in public and private services based mainly on their individual experiences and called for more access to less costly, faster and friendlier care with suitable facilities, appropriate time management and caring medical providers. These perceptions were also associated with views on the need for fighting stigmatization of infertility, protecting children's rights and guaranteeing sustainability of health care system. Interviewees sought to balance reduced waiting time and more attentive care with costs involved. The choice of services depended on the users' purchase power and place of residence and availability of attentive care. CONCLUSIONS: Current national policies on in vitro fertilization treatment meet user's demands of promoting access to, and quality, availability and affordability of in vitro fertilization treatment. However, their focus on legal regulation and technical-scientific aspects contrasts with the users' emphasis on reimbursement, insurance coverage and focus on emotional aspects of the treatment. The study showed these policies should ensure insurance coverage, participation of user representatives in the National Council for Assisted Reproductive Technology, promotion of infertility research and certification of fertility laboratories.
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Objective To construct and validate markers of vulnerability of women to STDs/HIV, taking into consideration the importance of STDs/HIV. Method Methodological study carried out in three stages: 1) systematic review and identification of elements of vulnerability in the scientific production; 2) selection of elements of vulnerability, and development of markers; 3) establishment of the expert group and validation of the markers (content validity). Results Five markers were validated: no openness in the relationship to discuss aspects related to prevention of STDs/HIV; no perception of vulnerability to STDs/HIV; disregard of vulnerability to STDs/ HIV; not recognizing herself as the subject of sexual and reproductive rights; actions of health professionals that limit women’s access to prevention of STDs/HIV. Each marker contains three to eleven components. Conclusion The construction of such markers constituted an instrument, presented in another publication, which can contribute to support the identification of vulnerabilities of women in relation to STDs/HIV in the context of primary health care services. The markers constitute an important tool for the operationalization of the concept of vulnerability in primary health care and to promote inter/multidisciplinary and inter/multi-sectoral work processes.
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Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas.
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Los procesos transnacionales han marcado un cambio en las relaciones entre los actores del sistema internacional, permitiendo el trabajo por diversas causas a través de las fronteras. Esto ha sido aprovechado por los movimientos sociales, para que su lucha no quede enmarcada simplemente en su país, sino que a partir de objetivos, problemáticas, valores y acciones similares se vea reflejado en diferentes Estados y se de una acción común y colectiva para generar un cambio. Este fenómeno ha sido tomado como referente el Movimiento Pro-choice para articularse transnacionalmente en Colombia para la promoción de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos en el periodo de 2001 a 2011, alcanzando una serie de objetivos importantes que han permitido cambios legales al interior del país, generando también un cambio dentro de la sociedad colombiana. El estudio, análisis y comprensión de la articulación del movimiento prochoice a partir de una dinámica transnacional para la promoción de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Colombia, se perfila como un tema de importancia por su coyuntura actual en el mundo, puesto que ha estado latente en los últimos veinte años. Igualmente, la identificación de la acción de los MST como otros actores internacionales en la transformación de las sociedades tanto locales como internacionales, traducido como un fenómeno que se puede explicar dentro de las Relaciones Internacionales.
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Este estudio inquiere por la apropiación de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos de los jóvenes y adolescentes a partir de sus condiciones socioeconómicas. En este sentido, se analiza cómo el ingreso económico, la religión, la escolaridad, entre otros, influyen en la apropiación de estos derechos al condicionar la toma de decisiones seguras y efectivas para el ejercicio de una sexualidad sana y responsable. Mediante una encuesta aplicada a 72 jóvenes y adolescentes residentes del barrio Las Aguas de Bogotá, se indagó por los conocimientos, la toma de decisiones y las valoraciones en torno al tema de sexualidad. Se concluyó que hay un amplio desconocimiento de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos pero existe cierta autonomía y responsabilidad en el ejercicio de la sexualidad.