978 resultados para Position of the fruit in the canopy


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Comparison of the 16S rRNA gene sequence determined for Chitinophaga pinensis showed that this species is most closely related to Flexibacter filiformis in the Flexibacter-Bacteroides-Cytophaga phylum, These two chitinolytic bacteria, which are characterized by transformation into spherical bodies on ageing, belong to a strongly supported lineage that also includes Cytophaga arvensicola, Flavobacterium ferrugineum and Flexibacter sancti, The lineage is distinct from the microcyst-forming species Sporocytophaga myxococcoides.

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Therllloelynalllics of lllodel 11lel1ll)rane systeills containing 1110nollnsaturatecl I)lloSI)holil) ids is strongly infllienced l)y the I)osition of the C==C dOlll)le })ond in tIle acyl chain. The telllI)eratllres of both chain-nlelting (TM) and La -+ HI! (TH) I)hase traIlsitions are lowered by IIp to 20°C when C==C is Inoved froln positions 6 or 11 to I)osition 9 in an 18-carl)on chain. This work is an attellll)t to ellicidate the uIlderlying Illoleclilar Illechanisllls reSI)Onsi])le for tllese draillatic tllerillodynaillic changes. Mixtllres of di-18: 1 l)hoSI)hatidylethanolanline with C==C at l)ositioIlS 6, 9, 11 were llsed, witll a sI1lall aI1lOlint of I)erdellterated tetradecanol, known to })e a gooel rel)Orter of the cllain Illoleclilar order. SI)ectral second 11I0I1lents were llsed to Illonitor tIle La -+ HII I)hase transition, which was fOllnd to ])e ])road (2-6°C), with a slight llysteresis on heatiIlg/cooling. The orientational order I)rofiles were nleasllred 1lSiIlg 2H Illiclear Illagnetic resonance and changes in these order I)rofiles between La aIld HII I)hases silow l)oth a local increase in order in the vicinity of the C==C bonds and an o\Terall decrease ill the average orientational order of the chain as a whole. These Sll])tle changes recluire })oth high-fidelity SI)ectrosCol)y and a careflll data analysis that takes into aCCOllnt the effects due to l)artiall1lagnetically-indllced orientational ordering of the l)ilayers. In tIle COIltext of SOllle recently rel)Orted cross-relaxation 11leaSlirenlents in Silllilar l)llOSI)llolil)iels, 0111' reslilts sllggest that large-anll)litllde conforlllational changes in the interior of tIle I110del 111eI11])ranes I)lay a 1110re significant role than I)reviollsly thOllght.

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The article discusses the present status of weblogs and examines whether legal standards applicable to traditional press and media should be applied to that specific forum. The analysis is based on two key documents: the Draft Report on the concentration and pluralism in the media in European Union (2007/2253(INI)) of the European Parliament Committee on Culture and Education presented in March 2008 and a landmark decision of the Polish Supreme Court from July 26, 2007 (IV KK 174/07) in the light of present judicial tendency in other European countries. The first of the mentioned documents calls for the “clarification of the legal status of different categories of weblog authors and publishers as well as disclosure of interests and voluntary labelling of weblogs”. It emphasizes that the “undetermined and unindicated status of authors and publishers of weblogs causes uncertainties regarding impartiality, reliability, source protection, applicability of ethical codes and the assignment of liability in the event of lawsuits”. The position of the European Parliament, expressed in the document, raises serious questions on the limits of freedom of thought and speech on the Internet and on the degree of acceptable state control. A recent Polish Supreme Court decision, which caused quite a stir in the Polish Internet community, seems to head in the very direction recommended by the EP Culture Committee. In a case of two editors of a web journal (“czasopismo internetowe”) called “Szyciepoprzemysku”, available on-line, accused of publishing a journal without the proper registration, the Polish Supreme Court stated that “journals and periodicals do not lose the character of a press release due solely to the fact that they appear in the form of an  Internet transmission”, and that ‘’the publishing of press in an electronic form, available on the Internet, requires  registration”. The decision was most surprising, as prior lower courts decisions declined the possibility to register Internet periodicals. The accused were acquitted in the name of the constitutional principle of the rule of law (art. 7 of the Polish Constitution) and the ensuing obligation to protect the trust of a citizen to the state (a conviction in this case would break the collateral estoppel rule), however the decision quickly awoke media frenzy and raised the fear of a need to register all websites that were regularly updated. The spokesman of the Polish Supreme Court later explained that the sentence of the Court was not intended to cause a mass registration of all Internet “periodicals” and that neither weblogs nor Internet sites, that were regularly updated, needed registration. Such an interpretation of the Polish press law did not appear clear based only on the original text of the judgment and the decision as such still raises serious practical questions. The article aims to examine the status of Internet logs as press and seeks the compromise between the concerns expressed by European authorities and the freedom of thought and speech exercised on the Internet.

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Through study of observations and coupled climate simulations, it is argued that the mean position of the Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) north of the equator is a consequence of a northwards heat transport across the equator by ocean circulation. Observations suggest that the hemispheric net radiative forcing of climate at the top of the atmosphere is almost perfectly symmetric about the equator, and so the total (atmosphere plus ocean) heat transport across the equator is small (order 0.2 PW northwards). Due to the Atlantic ocean’s meridional overturning circulation, however, the ocean carries significantly more heat northwards across the equator (order 0.4 PW) than does the coupled system. There are two primary consequences. First, atmospheric heat transport is southwards across the equator to compensate (0.2 PW southwards), resulting in the ITCZ being displaced north of the equator. Second, the atmosphere, and indeed the ocean, is slightly warmer (by perhaps 2 °C) in the northern hemisphere than in the southern hemisphere. This leads to the northern hemisphere emitting slightly more outgoing longwave radiation than the southern hemisphere by virtue of its relative warmth, supporting the small northward heat transport by the coupled system across the equator. To conclude, the coupled nature of the problem is illustrated through study of atmosphere–ocean–ice simulations in the idealized setting of an aquaplanet, resolving the key processes at work.

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This paper examines the extensive regions of Proterozoic accretionary belts that either formed most of the Amazonian Craton, or are marginal to its southeastern border. Their overall geodynamic significance is considered taking into account the paleogeographic reconstruction of Columbia, Rodinia and Gondwana. Amazonia would be part of Columbia together With Laurentia, North China and Baltica, forming a continuous, continental landmass linked by the Paleo- to Mesoproterozoic mobile belts that constitute large portions of it. The Rodinia supercontinent was formed in the Mesoproterozoic by the agglutination of the existing cratonic fragments, such as Laurentia and Amazonia, during contemporary continental collisions worldwide. The available paleomagnetic data suggest that Laurentia and Amazonia remained attached until at least 600 Ma. Since all other cratonic units Surrounding Laurentia have already rifted away by that time, the separation between Amazonia and Laurentia marks the final break-up of Rodinia with the opening of the lapetus ocean. (C) 2009 International Association for Gondwana Research. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Includes bibliography

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There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.