Análisis de la personalización de la figura presidencial en los editoriales El Tiempo y El Colombiano, en el gobierno de Álvaro Uirbe Veléz (2002-2004)

El presente estudio de caso analiza y compara la manera en que los editoriales El Tiempo y El Colombiano reflejaron la personalización de la figura presidencial durante el primer gobierno de Álvaro Uribe (2002-2004). El fenómeno de la personalización en política ha motivado a diferentes estudios y análisis, observándose la personalización como un fenómeno de largo alcance y de gran repercusión. En este sentido la personalización de la figura presidencial de Álvaro Uribe Vélez, es un factor predominante en el periodo 2002- 2004, enmarcado bajo la gobernabilidad mediática; evidenciado en la manera como las editoriales El Tiempo y El Colombiano mostraban al hombre que gobernaba a Colombia, provocando una centralización de la figura presidencial y no de la gestión de gobierno logrando encubrir los episodios de corrupción y clientelismo. Evidenciándose un traspaso de la política de ideas a una política de personas.

O estudo das idéias políticas lusobrasileiras no setecentos: condição atual e perspectivas metodológicas da historiografia brasileira

O objetivo central do texto é expor alguns estudos sobre as idéias políticas na monarquia portuguesa, particularmente da segunda metade do setecentos ao início do século XIX, com destaque para os trabalhos realizados nas últimas três décadas no Brasil. Trata-se de inventariar algumas pesquisas sobre o contexto intelectual do período e sua relação deste contexto com a dimensão político-administrativa da monarquia, vigente no período pombalino. E ao mesmo tempo considerar as categorias de análise que foram utilizadas para se alcançar tais conclusões.

Nacimiento y evolución de los partidos políticos bonaerenses

El peso político de los hombres de la provincia de Buenos Aires dentro del concierto nacional, ha sido y es de significación. A partir de 1880, pese a las íntimas relaciones que tuvieron los partidos provinciales con sus respectivas conducciones nacionales, los primeros tomaron varias veces, caminos no siempre coincidentes con las segundas. Gran parte de los hombres que habrían de tener principal participación en el manejo político de la provincia y la nación en los últimos años del siglo XIX y primeros treinta del XX, se formaron, como así también su ideología y moral política, en el devenir de las tres presidencias posteriores a Pavón. El presente trabajo pretende estudiar básicamente las ideas y acciones de un grupo de aquellos que integraron el autonomismo y que habrían de descollar en los años posteriores a 1880.

Nacimiento y evolución de los partidos políticos bonaerenses

El peso político de los hombres de la provincia de Buenos Aires dentro del concierto nacional, ha sido y es de significación. A partir de 1880, pese a las íntimas relaciones que tuvieron los partidos provinciales con sus respectivas conducciones nacionales, los primeros tomaron varias veces, caminos no siempre coincidentes con las segundas. Gran parte de los hombres que habrían de tener principal participación en el manejo político de la provincia y la nación en los últimos años del siglo XIX y primeros treinta del XX, se formaron, como así también su ideología y moral política, en el devenir de las tres presidencias posteriores a Pavón. El presente trabajo pretende estudiar básicamente las ideas y acciones de un grupo de aquellos que integraron el autonomismo y que habrían de descollar en los años posteriores a 1880.

Nacimiento y evolución de los partidos políticos bonaerenses

El peso político de los hombres de la provincia de Buenos Aires dentro del concierto nacional, ha sido y es de significación. A partir de 1880, pese a las íntimas relaciones que tuvieron los partidos provinciales con sus respectivas conducciones nacionales, los primeros tomaron varias veces, caminos no siempre coincidentes con las segundas. Gran parte de los hombres que habrían de tener principal participación en el manejo político de la provincia y la nación en los últimos años del siglo XIX y primeros treinta del XX, se formaron, como así también su ideología y moral política, en el devenir de las tres presidencias posteriores a Pavón. El presente trabajo pretende estudiar básicamente las ideas y acciones de un grupo de aquellos que integraron el autonomismo y que habrían de descollar en los años posteriores a 1880.

Why Ideas Matter in International Relations : Hans Morgenthau, Classical Realism, and the Moral Construction of Power Politics

Williams, Mike, 'Why ideas matter in International Relations: Hans Morgenthau, Classical Realism, and the Moral Construction of Power Politics', International Organization (2004) 58(4) pp.633-665 RAE2008

Backgrounds of conflict; ideas and forms in world politics,

Includes bibliographies.

The principles of politics; an introduction to the study of the evolution of political ideas,

Mode of access: Internet.

The politics of media policy [Review]

"The Politics of Media Policy opens with a highly insightful analysis of how to do media policy studies in original and significant ways. Unfortunately, by anchoring its empirical analysis closely to a desire to expose the hidden machinations of neo-liberal ideology, it loses focus the more that it moves out of the dominant terrain of political economy in the study of media ownership. Des Freedman has pointed to important new directions in media policy studies, but has unfortunately only got half way to developing a new synthesis for understanding the relationship between policy institutions and broader ideas." -- from author's personal website

Emptiness and fullness : Pinter, anti-architecture and politics

Classical architecture has a long history of representing the idealized proportions of the human body, derived from the Vitruvian man. This association with the idealized human form has also associated architecture as symbiotic with prevailing power structures. Meaning that architecture is always loaded with some signification, it creates a highly inscribed space. In the absence of architecture space is not necessarily without inscription, for within the void there can exist an anti-architecture. Like the black box theatre, it is both empty and full at the same time, in the absence of the architecture, the void of space and how it is occupied becomes much more profound. As Dorita Hannah writes, ‘In denying a purely visual apprehension of built space, and suggesting a profound interiority, the black-box posits a new way of regarding the body in space.’ This paper analyses the work of Harold Pinter and his use of the body to create an anti-architecture to subvert oppressors and power structures. Pinter’s works are an important case study in this research due to their political nature. His works are also heavily tied to territory, which bound the works in a dependent relationship with a simulated ‘place’. In the citation accompanying the playwright’s Nobel Laureate it states, '...in his plays [he] uncovers the precipice under everyday prattle and forces entry into oppression's closed rooms.' In Pinter’s work oppression manifests itself in the representation of a room, the architecture, which is the cause of a power struggle when objectified and defeated when subjectified. The following work examines how Pinter uses the body to subjectify and represent architecture as authority in his earlier works, which relied on detailed mimetic sets of domestic rooms, and then in his later political works, that were freed of representational scenography. This paper will also look at the adaption of Pinter’s work by the Belarus Free Theatre in their 2008 production of ‘Being Harold Pinter.’ The work of Pinter and the Belarus Free Theatre are concerned with authoritarian political structures. That is, political structures that works against ideas of individualism, ascribing to a mass-produced body as an artifact of dictatorship and conservatism. The focus on the body in space on an empty stage draws attention to the individual – the body amongst scenography can become merely another prop, lost in the borders and boundaries the scenery dictates. Through an analysis of selected works by Harold Pinter and their interpretations, this paper examines this paradox of emptiness and fullness through the body as anti-architecture in performance.

The ethics, aesthetics and practical politics of ownership in co-creative media

What is ‘best practice’ when it comes to managing intellectual property rights in participatory media content? As commercial media and entertainment business models have increasingly come to rely upon the networked productivity of end-users (Banks and Humphreys 2008) this question has been framed as a problem of creative labour made all the more precarious by changing employment patterns and work cultures of knowledge-intensive societies and globalising economies (Banks, Gill and Taylor 2014). This paper considers how the problems of ownership are addressed in non-commercial, community-based arts and media contexts. Problems of labour are also manifest in these contexts (for example, reliance on volunteer labour and uncertain economic reward for creative excellence). Nonetheless, managing intellectual property rights in collaborative creative works that are created in community media and arts contexts is no less challenging or complex than in commercial contexts. This paper takes as its focus a particular participatory media practice known as ‘digital storytelling’. The digital storytelling method, formalised by the Centre for Digital Storytelling (CDS) from the mid-1990s, has been internationally adopted and adapted for use in an open-ended variety of community arts, education, health and allied services settings (Hartley and McWilliam 2009; Lambert 2013; Lundby 2008; Thumin 2012). It provides a useful point of departure for thinking about a range of collaborative media production practices that seek to address participation ‘gaps’ (Jenkins 2006). However the outputs of these activities, including digital stories, cannot be fully understood or accurately described as user-generated content. For this reason, digital storytelling is taken here to belong to a category of participatory media activity that has been described as ‘co-creative’ media (Spurgeon 2013) in order to improve understanding of the conditions of mediated and mediatized participation (Couldry 2008). This paper reports on a survey of the actual copyrighting practices of cultural institutions and community-based media arts practitioners that work with digital storytelling and similar participatory content creation methods. This survey finds that although there is a preference for Creative Commons licensing a great variety of approaches are taken to managing intellectual property rights in co-creative media. These range from the use of Creative Commons licences (for example, Lambert 2013, p.193) to retention of full copyrights by storytellers, to retention of certain rights by facilitating organisations (for example, broadcast rights by community radio stations and public service broadcasters), and a range of other shared rights arrangements between professional creative practitioners, the individual storytellers and communities with which they collaborate, media outlets, exhibitors and funders. This paper also considers how aesthetic and ethical considerations shape responses to questions of intellectual property rights in community media arts contexts. For example, embedded in the CDS digital storytelling method is ‘a critique of power and the numerous ways that rank is unconsciously expressed in engagements between classes, races and gender’ (Lambert 117). The CDS method privileges the interests of the storyteller and, through a transformative workshop process, aims to generate original individual stories that, in turn, reflect self-awareness of ‘how much the way we live is scripted by history, by social and cultural norms, by our own unique journey through a contradictory, and at times hostile, world’ (Lambert 118). Such a critical approach is characteristic of co-creative media practices. It extends to a heightened awareness of the risks of ‘story theft’ and the challenges of ownership and informs ideas of ‘best practice’ amongst creative practitioners, teaching artists and community media producers, along with commitments to achieving equitable solutions for all participants in co-creative media practice (for example, Lyons-Reid and Kuddell nd.). Yet, there is surprisingly little written about the challenges of managing intellectual property produced in co-creative media activities. A dialogic sense of ownership in stories has been identified as an indicator of successful digital storytelling practice (Hayes and Matusov 2005) and is helpful to grounding the more abstract claims of empowerment for social participation that are associated with co-creative methods. Contrary to the ‘change from below’ philosophy that underpins much thinking about co-creative media, however, discussions of intellectual property usually focus on how methods such as digital storytelling contribute to the formation of copyright law-compliant subjects, particularly when used in educational settings (for example, Ohler nd.). This also exposes the reliance of co-creative methods on the creative assets storytellers (rather than on the copyrighted materials of the media cultures of storytellers) as a pragmatic response to the constraints that intellectual property right laws impose on the entire category of participatory media. At the level of practical politics, it also becomes apparent that co-creative media practitioners and storytellers located in copyright jurisdictions governed by ‘fair use’ principles have much greater creative flexibility than those located in jurisdictions governed by ‘fair dealing’ principles.

Foucault, Weber, neoliberalism and the politics of governmentality

This paper argues that Michel Foucault’s lectures that form The Birth of Biopolitics owe a considerable debt to the thought of Max Weber, particularly in their analysis of how different socio-legal regimes shape distinctive national forms of capitalist economies, and the role that is played by social and economic institutions in the shaping of individual identities. This is in contrast to a common interpretation of Foucault’s account of neoliberalism, which synthesizes his work into neo-Marxist notions of hegemony and capitalist domination. It also identifies Foucault’s approach to neoliberalism as an exploratory one, which considers insights into how a particular relationship between ideas and institutional practices may help in imagining socialist forms of government practice.

History, Transfer, Politics : Five studies on the legacy of Uppsala philosophy

The Uppsala school of Axel Hägerström can be said to have been the last genuinely Swedish philosophical movement. On the other hand, the Swedish analytic tradition is often said to have its roots in Hägerström s thought. This work examines the transformation from Uppsala philosophy to analytic philosophy from an actor-based historical perspective. The aim is to describe how a group of younger scholars (Ingemar Hedenius, Konrad Marc-Wogau, Anders Wedberg, Alf Ross, Herbert Tingsten, Gunnar Myrdal) colonised the legacy of Hägerström and Uppsala philosophy, and faced the challenges they met in trying to reconcile this legacy with the changing philosophical and political currents of the 1930s and 40s. Following Quentin Skinner, the texts are analysed as moves or speech acts in a particular historical context. The thesis consists of five previously published case studies and an introduction. The first study describes how the image of Hägerström as the father of the Swedish analytic tradition was created by a particular faction of younger Uppsala philosophers who (re-) presented the Hägerströmian philosophy as a parallel movement to logical empiricism. The second study examines the confrontations between Uppsala philosophy and logical empiricism in both the editorial board and in the pages of Sweden s leading philosophical journal Theoria. The third study focuses on how the younger generation redescribed Hägerströmian legal philosophical ideas (Scandinavian Legal Realism), while the fourth study discusses how they responded to the accusations of a connection between Hägerström s value nihilistic theory and totalitarianism. Finally, the fifth study examines how the Swedish social scientist and Social Democratic intellectual Gunnar Myrdal tried to reconcile value nihilism with a strong political programme for social reform. The contribution of this thesis to the field consists mainly in a re-evaluation of the role of Uppsala philosophy in the history of Swedish philosophy. From this perspective the Uppsala School was less a collection of certain definite philosophical ideas than an intellectual legacy that was the subject of fierce struggles. Its theories and ideas were redescribed in various ways by individual actors with different philosophical and political intentions.

Critical Security Studies and World Politics

Booth, Ken, Critical Security Studies and World Politics (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005), pp.ix+321 RAE2008