952 resultados para Political-educational discourse


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In 2008, the XVII Portuguese Constitutional Government launched the ‘e.escolinha’ programme, within the Technological Plan for Education, which set out the distribution of a computer, called ‘Magalhães’, designed for chil-dren attending the 1st cycle of basic education. Suspended in 2011 by the XIX Government, this programme has allowed, however, almost 500 000 children to have access to a personal computer. It was expected that this political measure would “revolutionise” the national education system by bringing changes to the pedagogical practices of teachers and the learning processes of children and by achieving educational success, in general. Based on documental analysis and on a set of interviews with key decision-makers in conceiving, implementing and monitoring this governmental initiative, the fi rst part of this chapter presents and analyses the ‘e.escolinha’ initiative and the policies be-hind that governmental programme, seeking to disassemble those objectives and provide some insights into the relationship between discourses, rhetoric, and reality. After that, the chapter focuses on children’s uses and practices with the ‘Magalhães’ laptop, at school and at home. Based on the results of questionnaires fi lled in by approximately 1500 children from 32 First Cycle public schools of the municipality of Braga (north of Portugal) and also from questionnaires applied to their parents and teachers, this chapter intends to analyse the real impact of this initiative for children, family and school. It also seeks to discuss the contribution of this educational policy to children’s digital literacy and also to their own and their families’ social and digital inclusion. To understand if it represented an added value to teachers’ pedagogical practice is another of its aims. The fi ndings point out a major focus on technology and access rather than on uses and competences or even on social, educational and cultural change. In fact, a major conclusion is the existence of a strong gap between the policy and the practices, typical of a top-down policy design. This study is an integrant part of a research project titled “Navigating with ‘Magalhães’: Study on the Impact of Digital Media in Schoolchildren” conducted at the University of Minho, Portugal, financed by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology [PTDC/CCI-COM/101381/2008] and co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund [COMPETE: FCOMP-01-0124-FEDER-009056].

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This article aims to create intellectual space in which issues of social inequality and education can be analyzed and discussed in relation to the multifaceted and multi-levelled complexities of the modern world. It is divided into three sections. Section One locates the concept of social class in the context of the modern nation state during the period after the Second World War. Focusing particularly on the impact of 'Fordism' on social organization and cultural relations, it revisits the articulation of social justice issues in the United Kingdom, and the structures put into place at the time to alleviate educational and social inequalities. Section Two problematizes the traditional concept of social class in relation to economic, technological and sociocultural changes that have taken place around the world since the mid-1980s. In particular, it charts some of the changes to the international labour market and global patterns of consumption, and their collective impact on the re-constitution of class boundaries in 'developed countries'. This is juxtaposed with some of the major social effects of neo-classical economic policies in recent years on the sociocultural base in developing countries. It discusses some of the ways these inequalities are reflected in education. Section Three explores tensions between the educational ideals of the 'knowledge economy' and the discursive range of social inequalities that are emerging within and beyond the nation state. Drawing on key motifs identified throughout, the article concludes with a reassessment of the concept of social class within the global cultural economy. This is discussed in relation to some of the major equity and human rights issues in education today.

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This article aims to create intellectual space in which issues of social inequality and education can be analyzed and discussed in relation to the multifaceted and multi-levelled complexities of the modern world. It is divided into three sections. Section One locates the concept of social class in the context of the modern nation state during the period after the Second World War. Focusing particularly on the impact of ‘Fordism’ on social organization and cultural relations, it revisits the articulation of social justice issues in the United Kingdom, and the structures put into place at the time to alleviate educational and social inequalities. Section Two problematizes the traditional concept of social class in relation to economic, technological and sociocultural changes that have taken place around the world since the mid-1980s. In particular, it charts some of the changes to the international labour market and global patterns of consumption, and their collective impact on the re-constitution of class boundaries in ‘developed countries’. This is juxtaposed with some of the major social effects of neo-classical economic policies in recent years on the sociocultural base in developing countries. It discusses some of the ways these inequalities are reflected in education. Section Three explores tensions between the educational ideals of the ‘knowledge economy’ and the discursive range of social inequalities that are emerging within and beyond the nation state. Drawing on key motifs identified throughout, the article concludes with a reassessment of the concept of social class within the global cultural economy. This is discussed in relation to some of the major equity and human rights issues in education today.

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Considerando o discurso político-educacional como meio de manifestação de poder, este artigo tem como objetivo propor reflexões acerca da relação poder-saber em documentos educacionais de diferentes esferas governamentais, nos quais se apresentam eventuais formas de resistência. Para verificar como se dá essa relação, serão analisadas as Orientações Curriculares para o Ensino Médio: Linguagens, Códigos e suas Tecnologias, documento elaborado pela Secretaria de Educação Básica (SEB) e a Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo: Língua Estrangeira Moderna - Inglês, da Secretaria da Educação de São Paulo (SEE), publicadas em 2006 e 2008, respectivamente. Para tanto, o arcabouço teórico será embasado em conceitos sobre a relação poder-saber, formas de resistência e regimes de verdade amplamente discutidos por Foucault (1971, 2008), Pêcheux (1990), Mascia (2002), Bertoldo (2003), Coracini (2003), Gregolin (2004), Orlandi (2006), Veiga-Neto (2007), Possenti (2007) e Amarante (2009). Por meio da análise desses documentos, notou-se a presença de traços argumentativos que contribuem para o estabelecimento de um regime de verdade, perpassado por relações de poder-saber. Além disso, os resultados obtidos apontam para polêmicas existentes entre as Orientações Curriculares Nacionais e a Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo no que concerne aos pressupostos teóricos e orientações práticas para o ensino e aprendizagem de línguas.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Contemporary citizenship studies have been more concerned with the theory and philosophy of citizenship than with empirical studies. The general objective of this contribution is to broaden the understanding of how notions of citizenship are constructed and re-valued in the social world. The study draws on a qualitative analysis of political elite discourse on Romani issues in the Finnish Parliament from 1989-2003. How issues concerning the Roma are debated elucidates the dilemmas of universal rights and duties within the Nordic welfare model, and the possibilities for cultural diversity within this framework. While the Finnish parliamentary debate accentuated tolerance and the acceptance of difference as strengthening factors for Finnish social citizenship, it was not before the new millennium that the political discourse changed to increasingly stress notions of discrimination and structural inequalities in relation to the incapability to provide for a full an inclusive citizenship as regards the Romani minority.

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Political debates are speech events which foreground issues of power and the `floor', and allow the opportunity of assessing the ways in which the gender of participants affects their construction as more or less powerful participants in debates. Debates in the British House of Commons are adversarial in style, making it appropriate to view the floor as `the site of a contest where there is a winner and a loser'. Previous research into political debates has found that male participants violate the formal rules in debates more than their female counterparts, in order to gain the floor. Although the canonical form and rules of debates exist to `permit the equalization of turns', rule violations are common, and inequalities between participants exist. In this article legal and illegal interventions are evaluated in five debates in order to establish the extent to which the gender of participants is related to the control that an individual has over the debate floor.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Catalan has drawn considerable attention given its impressive institutional support and increased usage since the restoration of the Generalitat of Catalonia. We report a study on 112 Catalan-speaking students who were administered the"subjective vitality questionnaire". Results show (and these are compared with reports 20 years ago) that it continues to gain momentum and status, even with the International stature of Spanish. The theoretical and pragmatic significance of these findings are discussed in terms of vitality"s role in shaping Language choices (Catalan vs. Castilian) in everyday communication as well as the societal level in forging Language policies for communicating in Catalan in business, political, educational, and media arenas

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This research derived data from two sets of interviews with 18 participants who were involved in adult education in either a community college or a university. The purpose was to explore their worldview awareness. Through the interviews, the participants shared their understanding of worldview as a term and concept and as something that might be seen to apply in their practice of teaching. The responses indicated that there are three kinds of awareness (noetic, experiential, and integrative) which appeared to develop upon a landscape of constraints and opportunities. Constraints were seen to fall into the 5 broad categories of institutional, circumstantial, self-imposed, other-imposed, and discipline-related constraints. Opportunities for developing awareness were linked to individual experiences and could occur to different extents in many directions, on different occasions, and in different phases of life. Through this research, and in spite of the prevalence of worldview in the human experience, it was foimd that the term and concept have remained on the margins of educational discourse. Consequently, theory, research, and practice have been deprived of a useful and usable concept.

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Dans le contexte actuel de la mondialisation, l’immigration a un impact sur la question identitaire des pays d’accueil et bien que l’exemple du Japon ne soit pas un cas isolé, il comporte tout de même ses particularités. En effet, il est curieux de voir un pays de l’OCDE avec un si bas taux d’immigration, d’autant plus que le vieillissement de sa population le place au cœur de cette problématique. De plus, le cas du Japon est particulièrement intéressant dans la mesure où la question de l’homogénéité ethnique et culturelle, présentée par le nihonjinron, est centrale dans la définition de l’identité nationale. C’est donc en s’appuyant sur la théorie des communautés imaginées d’Anderson et sur la théorie des frontières ethniques de Barth qu’ont été analysés de nombreux ouvrages et articles d’ordre analytique et idéologique afin de démontrer l’influence que le maintien d’une identité nationale forte peut avoir sur le développement et la mise en place de politiques d’immigration au Japon. Ainsi, après avoir passé en revue les origines et l’évolution du peuple japonais moderne, autant sur le plan politique, éducatif, social, qu’économique et en présentant le développement des politiques migratoires jusqu’à aujourd’hui, il est possible de voir à quel point la question identitaire est profondément ancrée et soutenue par les élites du pays et que cela mène par conséquent à des politiques d’immigration strictes et contraignantes.