Spiritual Kinship, Political Mobilization and Social Cooperation: a Swiss Alpine valley in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?

The cognitive mobilization index: crises and political generations

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.

Violence and Political Institutions in the Basque Country

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.

Political mobilisation and models of trade unionism : Southern Europe in comparative perspective

The relationship between union membership and political mobilization has been studied under many perspectives, but quantitative cross-national analyses have been hampered by the absence of international comparable survey data until the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS-2002) was made available. Using different national samples from this survey in four moments of time (2002, 2004 and 2006), our paper provides evidence of cross-country divergence in the empirical association between political mobilisation and trade union membership. Cross-national differences in union members’ political mobilization, we argue, can be explained by the existence of models of unionism that in turn differ with respect to two decisive factors: the institutionalisation of trade union activity and the opportunities left-wing parties have available for gaining access to executive power.

Kinship, ritual kinship and political milieus in an alpine Valley in 19th century

In my paper I will present some results about ritual kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an alpine Valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais. There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry about social networks: the existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th century and the availability of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. The starting point of my research focuses on this question: what role did kinship and ritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some other uses and meanings of ritual kinship in the local society. Was ritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for patronage or for privileged social contacts? The analysis highlights the importance of kinship and godparentage for the building of homogeneous social and political networks. If we consider transactions between individuals, the analysis of 19th century Val de Bagnes gives the impression of quite open networks. Men and women tried to diversify their relations in order to avoid strong dependency from powerful patrons. Nevertheless, when we consider the family networks, we can notice that most relations took place in a structured social space or a specific "milieu", were intense contacts enhanced trust, although political allegiances and social choices were not fully predictable on the basis of such preferential patterns. In a politically conflictual society, like 19th century Bagnes, ritual kinship interacted with kinship solidarities and ideological factors shaping dense social networks mostly based on a common political orientation. Such milieus sustained the building of political factions, which show surprising stability over time. In this sense, milieus are important factors to understand political and religious polarization in 19th century Switzerland.

MoveOn.org : activistes a un clic

Com l'apropiació de la tecnologia associada a Intenet transforma la mobilització social i política mediada per computador als Estats Units el 2004. Estudi del cas de MoveOn.org

Politique et réseaux. Logiques de la mobilisation politique populaire dans une vallée alpine 1839-1900

Résumé: Depuis plusieurs années, le thème des réseaux sociaux est au centre de l'intérêt des études historiques. Est-il possible de formaliser l'analyse de réseaux sociaux spécifiques - parenté, clientèle, solidarités locales, etc. - afin d'en analyser l'influence sur des événements historiques et des individus précis ? L'étude présentée prend en considération les luttes souvent violentes entre radicaux et conservateurs dans le Val de Bagnes, en Valais (Suisse), entre 1839 et 1900. La comparaison entre les généalogies des familles de la vallée et les informations sur la vie politique et sociale nous permet de relever l'influence de la parenté dans l'organisation des factions politiques. Les réseaux de parenté sont toutefois ouverts et souples, permettant des adaptations aux évolutions de la situation politique, économique et sociale. L'affaire autour du faux-monnayeur italien Joseph S. Farinet, dans les années 1870, nous permet par exemple de suivre l'évolution des réseaux de solidarité, à la suite d'une crise politique, ainsi que l'émergence de nouvelles activités économiques, notamment le tourisme, avec les hôteliers, les aubergistes et les guides de montagne souvent liés au milieu radical. L'analyse permet également de nuancer l'influence des réseaux de patronage : les collaborations horizontales, à l'intérieur des classes populaires, semblent mieux expliquer les solidarités politiques. Abstract: For several years, historians have been closely concerned with the question of social networks. Is it possible to conceptualize specific networks - like kinship, patronage or local solidarities - and to analyze their influence on concrete individuals or historical events? This paper considers the violent struggles between a radical political faction and a conservative one in a Swiss alpine valley, the Val de Bagnes (Valais) between 1839 and 1900. It compares information about political and social conflicts in the valley with genealogies of local families. By this way the eminent influence of kinship ties on political organizations becomes visible. But kinship networks are open and very supple, allowing adaptations to new political and social configurations. The trials against the Italian smuggler and counterfeiter Joseph S. Farinet in the Seventies allow to describe the evolution of local cooperation networks as a consequence of a political crisis in the canton of Valais and of new economic activities. The paper stresses the active role of a emerging group of hotel- or inn-owners and mountain guides, often closely tied with the radical milieu. The analysis of social transactions raises critical questions about the role of patronage in political mobilization: horizontal cooperation and kinship ties between peasants, small cattle owners and artisans seem to explain political solidarities better than patronage structures.

Les cultures fragiles : l'UNESCO et la diversité culturelle (2001-2007)

Recherche réalisée en cotutelle - Université de Montréal/EHHESS (Paris)

O zambê é nossa cultura o coco de zambê e a emergência étnica em Sibaúma, Tibau do Sul-RN

The coco de zambê is a dance of which origin is credited to old slaves who inhabited the coastalregion of Rio Grande do Norte. The zambê appears intensely in the narratives related to the past and present of Sibaúma, a quilombola community located in the southern coast of the state. It is conceived as a sign of ethnicity linked to a local black ancestry. The group is known as "remnant of Quilombo," and is demanding the process of territorial settlement, as guaranteed through the Brazilian federal constitution. The coco de zambê, presented as a kind of "certificate of ancestry to the group, besides, after a long period of abandonment, the dance is beeing "revitalized" and exploited by a part of the group alongside the demands for recognition. In this process there are several interlinked actors: NGOs, state agencies to promote the culture, representatives of public authorities and local leaders. Here, I'm interested in understanding how this process of revival occurs with the coco de zambê in Sibaúma: how a "brincadeira" (play) of the ancients comes to be a "cultural reference" and a means of political mobilization concerning their recognition

Terceiro setor em HIV/AIDS: mapeando o ativismo social na contemporaneidade

The struggle against AIDS is a kind of action in favor of life and the organized Brazilian civil society incorporated it in a meaningful dimension. This struggle matured the creation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and advanced with the discoveries about the disease. Since the very early 90 s, the consolidation of the partnership involving the movement anti-aids with State came up with a dilemma for the entities of civil society: are they just executors of governmental policies or do they take up the role of effective demands concerning public policies? Since then, activism against aids started to stand for execution of projects and one considers that the institutional way of anti-aids work has problems because it constructs a basic strategy to take off the political aspect of the third sector. The NGOs/aids consolidate the reconfiguration of capital and get far from street activities. This is important to be studied because the relationship between society and aids, contemporarily, can prevent them from accomplishing their agenda referring to political mobilization and collective resistance. This research started to be carried after some visits, previously arranged, to an institutional life support group called Grupo de Apoio à Vida-GAV, in Campina Grande. A semi-structured interview was applied to 31 users and to 6 technicians of the entity mentioned. One aimed at investigating the activist anti-aids practice, identifying the conceptions of activism and knowing how social actors assess those practices. Preliminary results indicate that one of the conceptions on activism among the interviewees refers to the execution of projects through partnership of NGOs and supporting institutions, governmental or non-governmental. Although this new conception on activism consolidates a non-political aspect, there are other ways of executing projects and participating actively, according to some users, such as: meetings, lectures and other sorts of events promoted by the group, which are also legitimate actions representing anti-aids activism at the present context

A participação da mulher na luta pela terra: discutindo relações de classe e gênero

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

As "Bonecas" da pista no horizonte da cidadania: uma jornada no cotidiano travesti em Belém (PA)

O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre as travestis que vivem da prostituição nas ruas de Belém, estado do Pará. A atividade venal que lhes garante o sustento é reconhecidamente praticada nas avenidas Almirante Barroso e Assis de Vasconcelos, localizadas respectivamente nos bairros do Marco e da Campina. Essas vias públicas funcionam como dois importantes corredores de tráfego de veículos da cidade, sendo por isso ideais para o trottoir. Os dados empíricos coletados através de entrevistas e as notas de campo serviram ao propósito de conhecer a realidade em que vivem essas profissionais do sexo, o que consolida como hipótese a idéia de que seu gênero andrógino as tornam sujeitos sócio-desvalorizados com implicações diretas na sua cidadania.Uma evidência nesse sentido é a carência de políticas públicas concernentes a esse segmento social que se enquadra no conceito de homossexualidade, enquanto categoria mais genérica para aplicar o desejo e o amor entre os do mesmo sexo. Tanto ao nóvel local quanto nacional, verificam-se algumas tentativas de implementação de políticas públicas na forma de leis antidiscriminatórias que objetivam beneficiar não só aos gays, como também às lésbicas e às travestis, porém estas têm sido alvo de resistências de parlamentares contrários ao avanço da cidadania desses sujeitos. Entre outras coisas, constatou-se nessa direção que a construção da cidadania para as travestis na cidade está dependendo da atuação do Movimento Homossexual de Belém (MHB) na mobilização política por direitos, uma vez que elas não se encontram organizadas tal como ocorre em outras capitais brasileiras. Por conseguinte, entende-se que há muito a avançar nas garantias sociais e civis para que esses sujeitos andróginos, popularmente chamados de "bonecas", possam tornar-se cidadãos de direito e de fato.

Territorialidade e uso comum entre os quilombolas de Santa Rita da Barreira em contradição com “Políticas de Etnodesenvolvimento”

O estudo sobre o processo etnohistórico das unidades familiares que organizaram o povoado conhecido como Antiga Barreira, situado à margem esquerda do rio Guamá, município de São Miguel do Guamá – PA conduziu a explorar o universo de relações sociais marcado por estratégias de permanência, construções simbólicas e práticas coletivas de domínio no território com predominância do uso comum dos recursos naturais. Atualmente, o povoado é reconhecido como comunidade quilombola de Santa Rita da Barreira tendo recebido do ITERPA o título coletivo correspondente a uma área de 371 hectares. As territorialidades construídas a partir de práticas sociais fundadas na organização comunitária e a mobilização política em torno de interesses comuns reforçam o sentimento de pertença e a identidade quilombola. Essa organização do grupo se materializa frente às adversidades impostas pela sociedade dominante que lhes invizibilizaram ou construíram concepções “primordialistas” sobre o grupo e seus modos de vida. Após a titulação diversas políticas públicas chegaram á Santa Rita da Barreira através de programas e projetos que tiveram como discurso o “desenvolvimento”, a “inclusão social das comunidades quilombolas”. Instrumentos jurídicos aprovados a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, a Constituição Estadual do Pará (1998) e do “Programa Brasil Quilombola” dentre outras iniciativas asseguram o direito ao território e a assistência social através da edição de políticas públicas específicas com vistas ao “etnodesenvolvimento”. As diversas intervenções em Santa Rita da Barreira foram feitas sem levar em consideração a trajetória das famílias no território, o conhecimento prático, o modo de vida, as construções simbólicas e as modalidades de uso comum praticadas em terras tradicionalmente ocupadas. Isto implica no surgimento de descompassos em relação às determinações jurídicas e a consciência das necessidades destes agentes sociais que em inúmeras situações (reuniões, encontro com técnicos, pesquisadores) tem sabido expor e defender suas idiossincrasias. Esta pesquisa procurou analisar a importância da etnohistória, territorialidade e práticas de uso comum dos quilombolas de Santa Rita da Barreira e identificar como este enfoque poderá contribuir para refletir programas e projetos de etnodesenvolvimento. A metodologia utilizada foi abalizada pela etnografia, etnohistória, coleta e análise de narrativas, fotografias, preenchimento de questionários, análise de documentação cartorial e bibliográfica, além da elaboração de “mapas participativos”. Os dados foram colididos durante pesquisa de campo realizada em intervalos de junho a novembro de 2010.

As perspectivas políticas da criação do Estado de Carajás a partir do ponto de vista das representações parlamentares municipais

Este estudo trata da perspectiva de criação do Estado do Carajás sob o ponto de vista das representações parlamentares dos municípios das regiões sul e sudeste do Pará. As teorias sobre representação política e as críticas da teoria das elites nortearam a análise, visto que a temática da redivisão do território paraense tem inflamado os discursos de candidatos a cargos políticos, e durante a campanha do plebiscito de dezembro de 2011 o debate reverteu-se em animosidade entre as frentes pluripartidárias do sim e do não, pela alegação da frente oponente à emancipação, que a divisão tratava-se de um projeto político das elites locais. De base empírica, o levantamento de campo foi aplicado a vereadores dos 39 municípios da região. A pesquisa revelou que a mobilização política regionalista ancora-se na distância do poder decisório que deixaria a região fora da agenda governamental e enfatiza o esquecimento do poder público estadual. Os vereadores veem o novo estado como uma possibilidade de atender às demandas por políticas públicas e oportunidades de emprego e renda, mas percebem claramente uma oportunidade de crescimento de suas carreiras políticas e de aumentar a paridade na balança da representatividade do norte no Congresso Nacional.