1000 resultados para Party identification
The Forgotten Side of Partisanship: Negative Party Identification in Four Anglo-American Democracies
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Early studies of electoral behavior proposed that party identification could be negative as well as positive. Over time, though, the concept became mostly understood as a positive construct. The few studies that took negative identification into account tended to portray it as a marginal factor that went “hand-in-hand” with positive preferences. Recent scholarship in psychology reaffirms, however, that negative evaluations are not simply the bipolar opposite of positive ones. This article considers negative party identification from this standpoint, and evaluates its impact in recent national elections in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Our findings highlight the autonomous power of negative partisanship. They indicate as well that ideology has an influence on both positive and negative partisan identification.
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Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.
Resumo:
Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.
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In this article we propose a model to explain how voters' perceptions of their ideological proximity to a party affect their propensity to vote for that party. We argue that political knowledge plays a crucial moderating role in the relationship between party proximity and voting propensity. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between institutional knowledge (information about the political system) and party knowledge (information about the parties' left-right positions). An analysis of survey data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections supports our main hypothesis that party knowledge enhances the link between party proximity and voting propensity. Institutional knowledge may have additional influence, but clear evidence for this effect was obtained only for propensities to vote for the Swiss People's Party (SVP). Overall, the impact of political knowledge was found to be substantial, even after controlling for the outstanding influence of party identification and other predictors of voting propensities
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Beliefs about how goods and resources should be distributed in society constitute a central element in the identification with political parties. In this sense, the preference for a more or less active role of the state in redistribution is expected to be related with different party identifications and with the left-right continuum. The present article challenges this assumption, proposing that processes of ideological destructuration have led to that party identification does not constitute a current political cleavage in Chile. The data to be analyzed correspond to the International Social Survey Programme survey implemented in Chile in 1999 and 2009. Results indicate there are scarce differences in distributional preferences by the identification with political parties.
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Parte dos estudos em economia e ciência política argumenta que preferências por redistribuição são capazes de explicar os diferentes esforços redistributivos ao redor do mundo. É natural pensar que a decisão de voto é o único canal relevante para que esta argumentação seja válida. Este trabalho buscará evidências empíricas de que haja correlação entre preferências por redistribuição e a decisão individual de voto nos Estados Unidos. Primeiro, apresento um modelo teórico que faz ligação entre a identificação partidária do indivíduo com seus interesses próprios e coletivos. Com base neste modelo, serão usados dados do General Social Survey para encontrar tais relações. Nos resultados encontra-se que as preferências por redistribuição estão relacionadas à identificação partidária e, consequentemente, à decisão de voto por redistribuição. Há também alguma evidência de que esta influência esteja crescendo nas últimas décadas.
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Die meisten Studien der empirischen Wahlforschung führen das Wählverhalten bei deutschen Bundestagswahlen gemäß den bewährten Erklärungsansätzen (Columbia School, Cleavage-Theorie, Michigan School, …) auf Faktoren der Individualebene zurück. Nur wenige analysieren darüber hinaus den Einfluss räumlicher Kontextmerkmale. Diese Beiträge gelangen zudem zu widersprüchlichen Befunden, z.B. darüber, welcher Anteil der Gesamtvarianz überhaupt durch Kontextfaktoren erklärt werden kann. Daher will die vorliegende Arbeit klären, inwiefern die soziale Komposition des räumlichen Kontexts über individuelle Merkmale der Wähler hinaus ihre individuelle Wahlentscheidung bei der Bundestagswahl 2009 beeinflusst hat. Dazu wird zunächst ein räumliches Mehrebenen-Modell des individuellen Wahlverhaltens entwickelt, das den Einfluss von Kontextmerkmalen u.a. auf soziale Interaktionsmechanismen innerhalb der Kontexteinheiten zurückführt. Zudem werden die zentralen individuellen Erklärungsfaktoren der oben genannten Theorien (Parteiidentifikation, Kandidaten-, Sachfragen-Orientierung, soziale Gruppenzugehörigkeit) in das Modell integriert. Auf Grundlage von Daten der German Longitudinal Election Study werden anschließend logistische Mehrebenen-Modelle für die alten und erstmals auch für die neuen Bundesländer und Deutschland geschätzt. Erstmals werden zudem Wahlkreise als relevante Kontexteinheiten untersucht. Es zeigt sich, dass ein kleiner Teil der Varianz der individuellen Wahlentscheidung allein auf Merkmale des Wahlkreises zurückgeführt werden kann. Es treten sowohl direkte Kontexteffekte als auch Mehrebenen-Interaktionseffekte auf, die sich jedoch in ihrer Wirkung zwischen den Regionen und auch zwischen den Parteien erheblich unterscheiden.
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This article analyses the way in which attitudes towards the transition to democracy explain party identification and ideology in Portugal. This question is important because the transition to democracy in Portugal was a turbulent process marked by a rupture with the past and institutional fluidity. It has also conditioned the main political parties’ relationships with the electorate and each other since 1974. I compare the same explanatory model results from two surveys, conducted in 2004 and 2014, respectively, to understand the extent to which perceptions about the transition help characterise the Portuguese voter over the last decade.
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This dissertation explores how two American storytellers, considered by many in their to be exemplary in their craft, rely on narrative strategies to communicate to their audiences on divisive political topics in a way that both invokes feelings of pleasure and connection and transcends party identification and ideological divides. Anna Quindlen, through her political columns and op-eds, and Aaron Sorkin, through his television show The West Wing, have won over a politically diverse fan base in spite of the fact that their writing espouses liberal political viewpoints. By telling stories that entertain, first and foremost, Quindlen and Sorkin are able to have a material impact on their audiences on both dry and controversial topics, accomplishing that which 19th Century writer and activist Harriet Farley made her practice: writing in such a way to gain the access necessary to “do good by stealth.” This dissertation will argue that it is their skilled use of storytelling elements, which capitalize on the cultural relationship humans have with storytelling, that enables Quindlen and Sorkin to achieve this. The dissertation asks: How do stories shape the beliefs, perspectives, and cognitive functions of humans? How do stories construct culture and interact with cultural values? What is the media’s role in shaping society? What gives stories their power to unite as a medium? What is the significance of the experience of reading or hearing a well-told story, of how it feels? What are the effects of Quindlen’s and Sorkin’s writing on audience members and the political world at large? What is lost when a simplistic narrative structure is followed? Who is left out and what is overlooked? The literature that informs the answers to these questions will cross over and through several academic disciplines: American Studies, British Cultural Studies, Communication, Folklore, Journalism, Literature, Media Studies, Popular Culture, and Social Psychology. The chapters will also explore scholarship on the subjects of narratology and schema theory.
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Recent studies have shown that CD4+ CD25+ T cells belong to two functionally different T lymphocytes, i.e. regulatory T cells (Treg) or activated T cells (Tact), which can be distinguished based on the expression of CD45RO and IL-7R: Treg (FoxP3+) are CD45RO+ IL-7R- , whereas Tact (FoxP3- ) are CD45RO+ IL- 7R+. In order to determine if a CD4+ CD25+ CD45RO+ IL-7R+ activated T cell population might be identified in kidney transplant recipients, we studied 27 healthy subjects (HS) and 23 kidney recipients, of whom 17 had stable graft function under standard immunosuppression (IS), 5 had biopsy-proven chronic humoral rejection (CHR), and one was a stable "tolerant" patient who had discontinued IS for more than 2 years. Phenotypical analysis by flow cytometry and functional assays by MLR were performed. Overall, the Tact population was found to be significantly increased in 87% of the transplant recipients (mean: 18.8±10.1% of CD4+ CD25+ T cells) compared to HS (mean: 4.5±2.0%; P<0.0001). In the 5 patients with CHR, this Tact population was highly expanded (31.3±9.3%; P<0.0001), whereas it was comparable to HS in the "tolerant" recipient (4.7%). Intermediate levels (16.0±6.9%; P<0.0001) were found in the 17 stable recipients. In CHR, the proliferative capacity of the Tact population was found to be 5-fold higher when stimulated by irradiated donor PBMC as compared to a stimulation by irradiated 3rd party PBMC. After kidney transplantation, an expanded circulating CD4+ CD25+ T cell population characterized by the expression of CD45RO and IL-7R was found in most recipients, particularly in those with CHR. In a patient with long-term operational tolerance, this Tact population was similar to HS. Measuring circulating Tact may become a useful monitoring tool after transplantation.
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Työn tavoitteena on tunnistaa toiminnallisia riskitekijöitä rahoituspalveluita tarjoavan yrityksen IT-organisaatiossa sekä löytää arkipäiväisiä keinoja hallita näitä riskejä. Työssä riskejä on myös tarkasteltu mahdollisen ulkoistuksen yhteydessä. Fuusiot ovat yleisiä rahoitusalan yrityksissä. Yhteenliittymien tuloksena yritysten IT-arkkitehtuuri voi olla monimutkainen ja kulttuurierot yrityksessä suuria. Synergia- ja mittakaavaetuja saadakseen yritys keskittää toimintojaan ja IT-ratkaisujaan. Riskien tunnistaminen on riskienhallintaprosessin tärkein vaihe. Tässä tutkimuksessa riskit ja riskitekijät tunnistettiin itsearvioinnin avulla kysymyssarjoja hyväksikäyttäen. Monet riskitekijät liittyivät sisäisen valvonnan ja seurannan puutteisiin. Myöhemmin näille riskeille pohdittiin työryhmässä käytännönläheisiä hallintakeinoja. Yritys voi siirtää tai jakaa IT -riskejä ulkoistamalla. Ulkoistaminen voi kuitenkin tuoda mukaan myös uusia riskitekijöitä. Ennen ulkoistamispäätöstä yrityksen sisäisten prosessien ja organisaation on oltava järjestyksessä, jotta sopimuksen kannattavuutta voidaan verrata luotettavasti saman palvelun tuottamiseen sisäisesti.
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Several parties (stakeholders) are involved in a construction project. The conventional Risk Management Process (RMP) manages risks from a single party perspective, which does not give adequate consideration to the needs of others. The objective of multi-party risk management is to assist decision-makers in managing risk systematically and most efficiently in a multi-party environment. Multi-party Risk Management Processes (MRMP) consist of risk identification, structuring, analysis and developing responses from all party perspectives. The MRMP has been applied to a cement plant construction project in Thailand to demonstrate its effectiveness.
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By applying narrative theory to the party political texts emerging within the UK Labour Party after 2010, which make up the corpus of One Nation discourse, we can grasp the underlying significance of this ideational revision of Labour Party and leftist thought. Through an identification and analysis of the sequence of texts and their constitution as a "story" that interpolates an underlying "plot," we can see how a revision of Labour's "tale" offers to leadership a new party discourse appropriate to it, mediating-if not reconciling-the problematic duality of narrative authorship by both party and leader. © The Political Quarterly Publishing Co. Ltd. 2013.
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Fierce competition within the third party logistics (3PL) market has developed as providers compete to win customers and enhance their competitive advantage through cost reduction plans and creating service differentiation. 3PL providers are expected to develop advanced technological and logistical service applications that can support cost reduction while increasing service innovation. To enhance competitiveness, this paper proposes the implementation of radio-frequency identification (RFID) enabled returnable transport equipment (RTE) in combination with the consolidation of network assets and cross-docking. RFID enabled RTE can significantly improve network visibility of all assets with continuous real-time data updates. A four-level cyclic model aiding 3PL providers to achieve competitive advantage has been developed. The focus is to reduce assets, increase asset utilisation, reduce RTE cycle time and introduce real-time data in the 3PL network. Furthermore, this paper highlights the need for further research from the 3PL perspective. Copyright © 2013 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.
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In this study, 103 unrelated South-American patients with mucopolysaccharidosis type II (MPS II) were investigated aiming at the identification of iduronate-2-sulfatase (IDS) disease causing mutations and the possibility of some insights on the genotype-phenotype correlation The strategy used for genotyping involved the identification of the previously reported inversion/disruption of the IDS gene by PCR and screening for other mutations by PCR/SSCP. The exons with altered mobility on SSCP were sequenced, as well as all the exons of patients with no SSCP alteration. By using this strategy, we were able to find the pathogenic mutation in all patients. Alterations such as inversion/disruption and partial/total deletions of the IDS gene were found in 20/103 (19%) patients. Small insertions/deletions/indels (<22 bp) and point mutations were identified in 83/103 (88%) patients, including 30 novel mutations; except for a higher frequency of small duplications in relation to small deletions, the frequencies of major and minor alterations found in our sample are in accordance with those described in the literature.