995 resultados para Online television


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The branded pause advertisement is a recently developed online television-advertising format that displays a full-screen still-image banner ad whenever a viewer pauses a streaming-video program. This study used a controlled lab experiment to compare the effectiveness of branded pause advertisements with normal online television advertisements. The results demonstrate that branded pause advertisements are effective but only when combined with a long-exposure advertisement for the same brand. Despite their short exposure time, pause advertisements function as effective reminders, building awareness through repeat exposure. The findings of the current study were similar regardless of whether pause advertisements were activated as a result of viewers’ pausing at a time of their own choosing or whether viewers were interrupted.

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'House of Cards' was a $100 million, 13-episode TV series starring Kevin Spacey and directed by David Fincher, that premiered in 2013 exclusively online, available only to Netflix subscribers. For over a year, Netflix had received much media attention for both its rapid international expansion and for its financial woes resulting in a plummeting share price and had some financial analysts postulating that it might not even survive. This article asks how can a company that teetering on the brink spend $100 million commissioning a TV series, let alone push ahead with global expansion? It asks is Netflix’s business model sustainable? And if it is, what does its entry into original programming mean for the future of television?

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Antena 3 es una de las cadenas de televisión más importantes en España y es la cadena española pionera en la apuesta por las nuevas tecnologías. Por ello, es de interés analizar su web para determinar su oferta de contenidos y las herramientas utilizadas para interactuar con sus públicos identificando, además, el uso que hace de las redes sociales. Con este objetivo, se realiza un análisis cualitativo del sitio web centrado en analizar veintiuna variables focalizadas en los campos descritos (contenidos, interactividad y redes sociales). Estas han sido establecidas a partir de la combinación de parámetros formulados en la propuesta de análisis de webs de televisión de Codina, Aubia y Sánchez (2008) y los indicadores de interacción descritos por Rodríguez-Martínez, Codina y Pedraza-Jiménez (2012). Gracias a ellas, es posible determinar la carencia de Antena3 en la gestión de sus perfiles sociales y en la interactividad generada mediante la comunidad virtual que conforma a través de su espacio web. No obstante, estas variables también justifican cómo, a pesar de esto, antena3.com es un espacio en el que la cadena pone a disposición del usuario una completa y bien organizada oferta de contenidos apostando así, por la difusión de estos a través de Internet.

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It is possible to write many different histories of Australian television, and these different histories draw on different primary sources. The ABC of Drama, for example, draws on the ABC Document Archives (Jacka 1991). Most of the information for Images and Industry: television drama production in Australia is taken from original interviews with television production staff (Moran 1985). Ending the Affair, as well as archival work, draws on ‘over ten years of watching … Australian television current affairs’ (Turner 2005, xiii). Moran’s Guide to Australian TV Series draws exhaustively on extant archives: the ABC Document Archives, material sourced through the ABC Drama department, the Australian Film Commission, the library of the Australian Film, Television and Radio School, and the Australian Film Institute (Moran 1993, xi)...

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John Hartley uses the 1956 Olympic Games in Melbourne to discuss the notions of a history of TV and TV History and concludes that the internet offers entirely new possibilities for TV as History.

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Traditional media are under assault from digital technologies. Online advertising is eroding the financial basis of newspapers and television, demarcations between different forms of media are fading, and audiences are fragmenting. We can podcast our favourite radio show, data accompanies television programs, and we catch up with newspaper stories on our laptops. Yet mainstream media remain enormously powerful. The Media and Communications in Australia offers a systematic introduction to this dynamic field. Fully updated and revised to take account of recent developments, this third edition outlines the key media industries and explains how communications technologies are impacting on them. It provides a thorough overview of the main approaches taken in studying the media, and includes new chapters on social media, gaming, telecommunications, sport and cultural diversity. With contributions from some of Australia's best researchers and teachers in the field, The Media and Communications in Australia is the most comprehensive and reliable introduction to media and communications available. It is an ideal student text, and a reference for teachers of media and anyone interested in this influential industry.

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Much debate in media and communication studies is based on exaggerated opposition between the digital sublime and the digital abject: overly enthusiastic optimism versus determined pessimism over the potential of new technologies. This inhibits the discipline's claims to provide rigorous insight into industry and social change which is, after all, continuous. Instead of having to decide one way or the other, we need to ask how we study the process of change.This article examines the impact of online distribution in the film industry, particularly addressing the question of rates of change. Are there genuinely new players disrupting the established oligopoly, and if so with what effect? Is there evidence of disruption to, and innovation in, business models? Has cultural change been forced on the incumbents? Outside mainstream Hollywood, where are the new opportunities and the new players? What is the situation in Australia?

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This paper reports one aspect of a study of 28 young adults (18–26 years) engaging with the uncertain (contested) science of a television news report about recent research into mobile phone health risks. The aim of the study was to examine these young people’s ‘accounts of scientific knowledge’ in this context. Seven groups of friends responded to the news report, initially in focus group discussions. Later in semi-structured interviews they elaborated their understanding of the nature of science through their explanations of the scientists’ disagreement and described their mobile phone safety risk assessments. This paper presents their accounts in terms of their views of the nature of science and their concept understanding. Discussions were audio-recorded then analysed by coding the talk in terms of issues raised, which were grouped into themes and interpreted in terms of a moderate social constructionist theoretical framing. In this context, most participants expressed a ‘common sense’ view of the nature of science, describing it as an atheoretical, technical procedure of scientists testing their personal opinions on the issue, subject to the influence of funding sponsors. The roles of theory and data interpretation were largely ignored. It is argued that the nature of science understanding is crucial to engagement with contemporary socioscientific issues, particularly the roles of argumentation, theory, data interpretation, and the distinction of science from common sense. Implications for school science relate primarily to nature of science teaching and the inclusion of socioscientific issues in school science curricula. Future research directions are considered.

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Twitter is a social media service that has managed very successfully to embed itself deeply in the everyday lives of its users. Its short message length (140 characters), and one-way connections (‘following’ rather than ‘friending’) lend themselves effectively to random and regular updates on almost any form of personal or professional activity – and it has found uses from the interpersonal (e.g. boyd et al., 2010) through crisis communication (e.g. Bruns et al., 2012) to political debate (e.g. Burgess & Bruns, 2012). In such uses, Twitter does not necessarily replace existing media channels, such as the broadcast or online offerings of the mainstream media, but often complements them, providing its users with alternative opportunities to contribute more actively to the wider mediasphere. This is true especially where Twitter is used alongside television, as a simple backchannel to live programming or for more sophisticated uses. In this article, we outline four aspects – dimensions – of the way that the ‘old’ medium of television intersects and, in some cases, interacts, with the ‘new’ medium of Twitter.

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While a rich body of literature in television and film studies and media policy studies has tended to focus on the media activities in the formal sector, we know much less about informal media activities, its influence on state policies, as well as the dynamics between the formal and the informal sectors. This article examines these issues with reference to a particularly revealing period following a large-scale government crackdown on peer-to-peer video sharing sites in China in 2008. By analyzing the aim and consequences of the state action, I point to the counter-productive effect in terms of cultural loss and the resurgence of offline piracy; and show the positive impact on forcing the informal into the formal sector, and pressuring the formal to innovate. Meanwhile, an increasing rapprochement between professional and user-created content leads to a new relationship between formal and informal sectors. This case demonstrates the importance of considering the dynamics between the two sectors. It also offers compelling evidence of the role of the informal sector in engendering state action, which in turn impacted on the co-evolution of the formal and the informal sectors.

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This chapter begins from the premise that, to date, television remains the dominant communications technology in the digital media sport environment. It argues that sports-related programming is often overlooked in favour of event coverage in the study of sports television. Analysis focuses on three areas - platform interaction, technological innovation, and content ecologies - and describes technological innovations arising from television coverage of sports, with a particular focus on online video, audience measurement, and 3D production and viewing.

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Like music and the news media before it, the film and television business is now facing its time of digital disruption. Major changes are being brought about in global online distribution of film and television by new players, such as Google/YouTube, Apple, Amazon, Yahoo!, Facebook, Netflix and Hulu, some of whom massively outrank in size and growth the companies that run film and television today. Content, Hollywood has always asserted, is King. But the power and profitability in screen industries have always resided in distribution. Incumbents in the screen industries tried to control the emerging dynamics of online distribution, but failed. The new, born digital, globally focused, players are developing TV network-like strategies, including commissioning content that has widened the net of what counts as television. Content may be King, but these new players may become the King Kongs of the online world.

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There is growing scholarly interest in the everyday work undertaken by screen producers in part prompted by disciplinary shifts (the ‘material turn’, the rise of creative industries research) and in part by major transformations in the business of media production and consumption in recent years. However, the production cultures and motivations of screen producers, particularly those working in emergent online and convergent media markets, remain poorly understood. The 2012 Australian Screen Producer survey, building upon research undertaken in the Australian Screen Content Producer Survey conducted in 2009, was a nation-wide survey-based study of screen content producers working in four industry segments: film, television, corporate and new media production. The broad objectives of the 2012 Australian Producer Survey study were to: • Provide deeper and more detailed analysis into the nature of digital media producers and their practices and how these findings compare to the practices of established screen media producers; • Interrogate issues around the pace of industry change, industry sentiment and how producers are adapting to a changing marketplace; and • Offer insight into the transitional pathways of established media producers into production for digital media markets. The Australian Screen Producer Survey Online Interactive provides users (principally filmmakers, scholars and policymakers) with direct access to raw survey data through an interactive website that allows them to customise queries according to particular interests. The Online Interactive therefore provides customisable findings – unlike ‘static’ research outputs – delineating the practices, attitudes, strategies, and aspirations of screen producers working in feature film, television and corporate production as well as those operating in an increasingly convergent digital media marketplace. The survey was developed by researchers at the ARC Centre of Excellence for Creative Industries and Innovation (CCI), Queensland University of Technology, Deakin University, the Centre for Screen Business at Australian Film Television and Radio School (AFTRS) and was undertaken in association with Bergent Research. The Online Interactive website (http://screenproducersurvey.com/) was developed with support from the Centre for Memory Imagination and Invention (CMII).

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