Eleições na integração regional : desenvolvimento das proposições nacionais para as eleições diretas do parlamento do Mercosul

Analisa o andamento das propostas legislativas para eleições dos parlamentares do Mercosul em todos os Estados-Membros do bloco. Apresenta e avalia a situação das discussões sobre as eleições diretas nos Estados que ainda não aprovaram as diretrizes para as eleições mercosulinas, bem como a já aprovada e aplicada legislação eleitoral paraguaia.

Implicações nacionais da integração regional: as eleições diretas do parlamento do Mercosul

O processo de institucionalização do MERCOSUL verificado nos últimos anos aumentou o peso da integração regional nas políticas internas dos Estados-membros. No caso brasileiro, o projeto de lei que regulamenta as eleições diretas para o Parlamento do MERCOSUL (Parlasul) em 2014 é um exemplo dessa influência, porque inclui aspectos que estão relacionados às discussões acerca da reforma do sistema político brasileiro, tema gerador de intenso debate e polêmica dentro do Congresso Nacional. Este artigo discute os possíveis impactos que a sua aprovação terá na condução da reforma política no Brasil, partindo da hipótese de que o referido projeto representa um transbordamento da reforma política brasileira para o plano regional. Supomos que sua aprovação pode se tornar um ensaio da reforma política planejada, ao executar no plano regional mudanças ainda em discussão no legislativo brasileiro. Lembramos que a decisão e aprovação dos critérios para realização das eleições diretas do Parlasul é de competência de cada Estado-membro.

Implicações nacionais da integração regional: as eleições diretas do Parlamento do Mercosul

The process of institutionalization of MERCOSUR in recent years has increased the weight of regional integration in the internal policies of the Member States. In the Brazilian case, the bill that regulates direct elections for the MERCOSUR Parliament (Parlasul) in 2014 is an example of this influence, because it includes aspects that are related to discussions on the reform of the Brazilian political system, generating intense debate and controversy within the Congress. This article discusses the possible impacts that its adoption will have on the conduct of political reform in Brazil, on the assumption that this project represents a spillover of political reform for Brazilian regional plan. We assume that its approval can become a test of political reform planned to perform at the regional changes still under discussion in the brazilian legislature. We remind that the decision and approval of the criteria for the Parlasul direct elections is a competence of each Member-State.

Parlamento do Mercosul: mudança ou continuidade?

The parliamentary representation in the Southern Cone integration is the main issue in this article, which analyzes some implications of the institutionalization of Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur). Consolidation and deepening of the integration process are related to the very weakness of congressional action under the Joint Parliamentary Committee and even the Parlasur. The hypothesis is that the creation of the Mercosur Parliament could contribute to the integration process only insofar as it could overcome the limitations experienced by the Joint Parliamentary Commission and go forward in building a democratic and representative body of regional integration.

The Australian Parliament: A Gendered Organisation

Limited work has been undertaken on the subject of gender and Australian parliamentary institutions. This study of 13 male and 15 female members of the Australian parliament addresses this gap in the literature. Data from the study are used to explore the ways in which the institutions of political office operate as ‘gendered organisations’ (Acker 1990). What emerges from this analysis is the pervasiveness of gender across the processes, practices and discourses of the parliament. This is a space infused with hegemonic masculinity. This gendering is, however, normalised and/or minimised by many of the parliamentarians involved in the study.

Gender and the Australian parliament

This dissertation by publication which focuses on gender and the Australian federal parliament has resulted in the submission of three refereed journal articles. Data for the study were obtained from 30 semi-structured interviews undertaken in 2006 with fifteen (15) male and fifteen (15) female members of the Australian parliament. The first of the articles is methodological and has been accepted for publication in the Australian Journal of Political Science. The paper argues that feminist political science is guided by five important principles. These are placing gender at the centre of the research, giving emphasis to women’s voice, challenging the public/private divide, using research to transform society and taking a reflexive approach to positionality. It is the latter principle, that of the importance of taking a reflexive approach to research which I explore in the paper. Through drawing on my own experiences as a member of the House of Representatives (Forde 1987-1996) I reflexively investigate the intersections between my background and my identity as a researcher. The second of the articles views the data through the lens of Acker’s (1990) notion of the ‘gendered organization’ which posits that there are four dimensions by which organizations are gendered. These are via the division of labour, through symbols, images and ideologies, by workplace interactions and through the gendered components of individual identity. In this paper which has been submitted to the British Journal of Political Science, each of Acker’s (1990) dimensions is examined in terms of the data from interviews with male and female politicians. The central question investigated is thus to what extent does the Australian parliament conform to Acker’s (1990) concept of the ‘gendered organization’? The third of the papers focuses specifically on data from interviews with the 15 male politicians and investigates how they view gender equality and the Australian parliament. The article, which has been submitted to the European Journal of Political Science asks to what extent contemporary male politicians view the Australian parliament as gendered? Discourse analysis that is ‘ways of viewing’ (Bacchi, 1999, p. 40) is used as an approach to analyse the data. Three discursive frameworks by which male politicians view gender in the Australian parliament are identified. These are: that the parliament is gendered as masculine but this is unavoidable; that the parliament is gendered as feminine and women are actually advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women’s political disadvantage as political participants. The article concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes.

Gender and the Australian parliament : putting the political scientist into the picture

This paper draws on a study of gender and politics in the Australian parliament in order to make a contribution to methodological debates in feminist political science. The paper begins by outlining the different dimensions of feminist political science methodology that have been identified in the literature. According to this literature five key principles can be seen to constitute feminist approaches to political science. These are: a focus on gender, a deconstruction of the public/private divide, giving voice to women, using research as a basis for transformation, and using reflexivity to critique researcher positionality. The next part of the paper focuses more specifically on reflexivity tracing arguments about its definition, usefulness and the criticisms it has attracted from researchers. Following this, I explore how my background as a member of the Australian House of Representatives from 1987 to 1996 provided an important academic resource in my doctoral study of gender and politics in the national parliament. Through this process I highlight the value of a reflexive approach to research.

The Australian Parliament: a gendered organisation

This study, drawing on interviews with 13 male and 15 female members of the Australian parliament, has two aims. The first is to contribute to knowledge about the nature of the Australian parliament, an institution which has seldom been subjected to gender analysis. This is particularly pertinent given the significant increase in women's representative status over the past decade. The second of the paper's aims is to demonstrate the efficacy of contemporary gender and organisational theory, particularly work on men and masculinities, for investigating questions related to women's involvement in politics. The paper draws on Joan Acker's (‘Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations’, Gender and Society, 4, 1990, 139–58; ‘From Sex Roles to Gendered Institutions’, Contemporary Sociology, 21, 1992, 565–9.) notion of ‘gendered organisations’ to interrogate the data.

An analysis of effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the Queensland Parliament

Parliamentary questions are an integral part of most Westminster parliamentary systems, serving as a major form of legislative oversight and constituency service (Glassman 2008). There are two types of parliamentary questions, ‘questions without notice’ and ‘questions on notice’. Questions without notice are asked and answered orally during ‘Question Time’. Questions on notice are asked in writing and the relevant minister provides the answer in writing. Parliamentary questions provide a mechanism to seek the accountability of the executive on the floor of the House and barely ‘any aspect of the executive department’s powers and activities can be shielded from questions’ (Crick 1964: 237). In terms of media coverage, this practice is the most widely reported legislative device. Therefore, to a casual observer, the working of parliament is synonymous with Question Time.

The media and parliament

For decades, indeed centuries, the Scottish media have been a source of national pride. Alongside the education system, the Church of Scotland and the legal apparatus the media have been rightly viewed as a distinctive Scottish cultural institution, a key part of what makes Scotland a nation rather than a region. Scotland has long sustained, per capita, one of the richest and most diverse media systems in the world, encapsulating a heady mix of local newspapers such as the West Highland Free Press, national [i.e., Scotland-wide] newspapers and broadcast outlets such as BBC Scotland and the Scotsman, and UK-based media with Scottish editions such as the Sun and the Mail. These media have reflected and fuelled what is in turn a distinctive Scottish political identity separate from, though connected with that of the United Kingdom as a whole. There has, for example, been no major paper with a pro-Tory editorial line north of the border for longer than most of us can remember, reflecting (and perhaps contributing to) the Conservative Party’s poor showing in successive Scottish elections.

Parliament, political ethics and national integrity systems

Papers on Parliament No. 55 February 2011 Charles Sampford "Parliament, Political Ethics and National Integrity Systems*" Prev | Contents |

The review of Australia's asylum laws and policies: a case for strengthening Parliament's role in protecting rights through post-enactment scrutiny

The central contention of this article is that there is a need for greater involvement of legislators in overseeing a systematic and rights-based scrutiny of the impact of legislation and policy. The recent operation of Australia s asylum laws and policies, in particular provides an illustration of the reforms required. Challenges to the rights of non-citizens in Australia and other jurisdictions serve as a reminder of the extent of change required before rights are firmly entrenched in the processes of government. A useful step forward would be to enhance the role of legislators in setting the criteria and agenda for post-enactment scrutiny in light of issues raised during pre-legislative scrutiny.

Parliament and community road safety

In the past, Queensland parliamentary committees have successfully assisted in the introduction of evidence-based policy and legislation and this presentation will describe how Parliament supports road safety through its committees. The presentation will examine the strengths of parliamentary committees in the Westminster system, provide an overview of the reformed committee system and discuss an example of a previous road safety inquiry (completed under the former committee system). Developing an understanding of parliamentary committees will help road safety practitioners to present their ideas in an appropriate manner that will encourage the examination of their ideas by parliamentary committees and increase the likelihood that their suggestions will be included as recommendations within a committee report and subsequently acted upon by the government.

The People's House : Queensland Parliament House

22 mins documentary