997 resultados para Gordon family.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Supplements "The house of Gordon," ed. by John Malcolm Bulloch, 1903-07. 2 v. (New Spalding club Publications nos. 26 and 33) The three volumes were issued also as Aberdeen university studies, nos. 8, 30 and 59.
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A supplementary volume was issued in 1912 under title "Gordons under arms," by Constance Oliver Skelton and John Malcolm Bulloch (New Spalding club publication no. 39) The three volumes were isssued also as Aberdeen university studies, nos. 8, 30 and 59.
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By using AKNS [Phys. Rev. Lett. 31 (1973) 125] system and introducing the wave function, a family of interesting exact solutions of the sine-Gordon equation are constructed. These solutions seem to be some soliton, kink, and anti-kink ones respectively for the different choice of the spectrum, whereas due to the interaction between two traveling-waves they have some properties different from usual soliton, kink, and anti-kink solutions.
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Based on coronial data gathered in the state of Queensland in 2004, this article reviews how a change in legislation may have impacted autopsy decision making by coroners. More specifically, the authors evaluated whether the requirement that coronial autopsy orders specify the level of invasiveness of an autopsy to be performed by a pathologist was affected by the further requirement that coroners take into consideration a known religion, culture, and/or raised family concern before making such an order. Preliminary data reveal that the cultural status of the deceased did not affect coronial autopsy decision making. However, a known religion with a proscription against autopsy and a raised family concern appeared to be taken into account by coroners when making autopsy decisions and tended to decrease the invasiveness of the autopsy ordered from a full internal examination to either a partial internal examination or an external-only examination of the body. The impact of these findings is briefly discussed.
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This study of English Coronial practice raises a number of questions, not only regarding state investigations of suicide, but also of the role of the Coroner itself. Following observations at over 20 inquests into possible suicides, and in-depth interviews with six Coroners, three main issue emerged: first, there exists considerable slippage between different Coroners over which deaths are likely to be classified as suicide; second, the high standard of proof required, and immense pressure faced by Coroners from family members at inquest to reach any verdict other than suicide, can significantly depress likely suicide rates; and finally, Coroners feel no professional obligation, either individually or collectively, to contribute to the production of consistent and useful social data regarding suicide—arguably rendering comparative suicide statistics relatively worthless. These issues lead, ultimately, to a more important question about the role we expect Coroners to play within social governance, and within an effective, contemporary democracy.
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This study of English Coronial practice raises a number of questions about the role played by the Coroner within contemporary governance. Following observations at over 20 inquests into possible suicides and in-depth interviews with six Coroners, three preliminary issue emerged, all of which pointed to a broader and, in many ways, more significant issue. These preliminary issues are concerned with: (1) the existence of considerable slippages between different Coroners over which deaths are likely to be classified as suicide; (2) the high standard of proof required and immense pressure faced by Coroners from family members at inquest to reach any verdict other than suicide, which significantly depresses likely suicide rates, and; (3) Coroners feeling no professional obligation, either individually or collectively, to contribute to the production of consistent and useful social data regarding suicide, arguably rendering comparative suicide statistics relatively worthless. These concerns lead, ultimately, to the second more important question about the role expected of Coroners within social governance and within an effective, contemporary democracy. That is, are Coroners the principal officers in the public administration of death; or are they, first and foremost, a crucial part of the grieving process, one that provides important therapeutic interventions into the mental and emotional health of the community?
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Daniel Clendenan (1793-1866) was the son of Abraham Clendenan, a private in Butler’s Rangers. He was married to Susan[na] [Albrecht ] Albright, daughter of Amos Albright. Daniel and Susan[na] had twelve children and belonged to the Disciple Church. In 1826 Daniel Clendenan purchased Part lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township from Robert Roberts Loring. On this property he built a home and conducted the business of blacksmithing and along with William Jones operated a lumber mill. Volume 1 and the first part of Volume 2 are Daniel Clendenan’s account books. Daniel and his wife Susan are buried in the Vineland Mennonite cemetery. Daniel and Susan[na]’s youngest daughter, Sarah, married widower Andrew Thompson (1825-1901), son of Charles and grandson of Solomon. Andrew Thompson had settled in the Wainfleet area in 1854 and had owned a mill in Wellandport. Daniel Clendenan, in ill health, passed ownership of Lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township to his son-in-law Andrew Thompson. Robert Roberts Loring, the original owner of lot 14, concession 6 in Louth was born in September of 1789 in England. He joined the 49th Regiment of Foot as an ensign in December of 1804 and arrived in Quebec the following July. He served with Isaac Brock and Roger Sheaffe. In 1806 he was promoted to lieutenant. Loring was hired by Lieutenant General Gordon Drummond and accompanied him to Ireland in 1811, but the outbreak of war in the States in 1812 drew Loring back to Canada. On June 26, 1812 Loring became a captain in the 104th Regiment of Foot. On October 29 of the same year, he was appointed aide-de-camp to Sheaffe who was the administrator of Upper Canada. During the American attack on York in April 1813, Loring suffered an injury to his right arm from which he never recovered. In December of 1813, Drummond assumed command of the forces in Upper Canada and he appointed Loring as his aide-de-camp, later civil secretary and eventually his personal secretary. Loring was with Drummond in 1813 at the capture of Fort Niagara (near Youngstown), N.Y. He was also with Drummond in the attacks on Fort Niagara, settlements along the American side of the Niagara River, and then York and Kingston. In July of 1814 he was promoted to brevet major, however he was captured at the Battle of Lundy’s Lane and he spent the remainder of the conflict in Cheshire, Massachusetts. One of his fellow captives was William Hamilton Merritt. Loring remained in the army and had numerous military posts in Canada and England. He retired in 1839 and lived the last of his years in Toronto. He died on April 1, 1848. Sources: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/loring_robert_roberts_7E.html and “Loring, Robert Roberts” by Robert Malcomson in The Encyclopedia Of the War Of 1812 edited by Spencer Tucker, James R. Arnold, Roberta Wiener, Paul G. Pierpaoli, John C. Fredriksen
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The Levine family held an extensive reunion during the Summer of 2009 during which 29 DVDs of raw material were recorded for use in the creation of a Levine family mini-documentary. Many of these DVDs contain oral history interviews conducted by Wendy Miller, one of the organizers of the reunion. Although these interviews were not designed for historical research, they contain valuable historical information. Some of the family members interviewed include: Ben Arnon (4/5), Marjorie, Stephen, and Michael Kaplan (8), Glenyce Miller Kaplan (starts in 15, continues in 9; separate interview in 13), Burt, Phyllis, and Louis Shiro (9) [Burt Shiro also in 26/27], Myrt and Gordon Wolman (9), Ted and Billy Alfond (10), Barbara and Joan Alfond (10), Susan and Peter Alfond (10), Alice Emory [caregiver for Bibby] (11), Eric Bloom and Stu Cushner (11), Saralee Kaplan Bloom (11), Sarah Miller Arnon (12), Kayla and Jenna Cushner (12), Josh Soros and Eliana Miller-Kaplan (12), Sarah, Wendy, and Julie Miller (starts in 12, continues in 14), Bill Shutzer (13), Maschia and Glicka Kaplan, Sharon Kushner, Dan Hood (13), Gene, Alex, Kate Cohen (14), Ben, Jeremy, Joselyn Arnon (14), Wendy and Julie Miller at the store (15), and Eric Bloom (15).
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We construct explicit multivortex solutions for the complex sine-Gordon equation (the Lund-Regge model) in two Euclidean dimensions. Unlike the previously found (coaxial) multivortices, the new solutions comprise n single vortices placed at arbitrary positions (but confined within a finite part of the plane.) All multivortices, including the single vortex, have an infinite number of parameters. We also show that, in contrast to the coaxial complex sine-Gordon multivortices, the axially-symmetric solutions of the Ginzburg-Landau model (the stationary Gross-Pitaevskii equation) do not belong to a broader family of noncoaxial multivortex configurations.
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During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.
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This text deals with transnational strategies of social mobility in Ecuadorian migrant households in Spain. We apply the capital accumulation model (Moser, 2009) for this purpose. The main target of this article is, beyond thinking in terms of capital stock and accumulation, the analysis in depth of the dynamics of the different types of capital, that is to say, how they interact with each other in the framework of the social mobility strategies of the migrants and their families. We are bringing into light the way some households adopt investing decisions in capitals that don't translate into any addition or earnings in all cases, on the contrary, concentrating all their efforts on the accumulation of a certain asset they may, in some cases, lead to a loss of another. We will concentrate our analysis primarily on the dynamics between the physical and financial capital and the social and emotional capital, showing the tensions produced between these two types of assets. At the same time, we will highlight how migrants negotiate their family strategies of social mobility in the transnational area. Our study is based in empirical material obtained from qualitative fieldwork (in-depth interviews) with families of migrants in the urban district of Turubamba Bajo -(south of Quito) and in Madrid. A series of households were selected where interviews were carried out in the country of origin as well as in the context of immigration, with different family members, analysing the transnational social and economic strategies of families of migrant members. Family members of migrants established in Spain were interviewed in Quito, as well as key informants in the district (school teachers, nursery members of the staff, etc.). The research was framed within the projects "Impact of migration on the development: gender and transnationalism", Ministry of Science and Innovation (SEJ2007/63179) (Laura Oso, dir. 2007-2010),"Gender, transnationalism and intergenerational strategies of social mobility", Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2011/26210) (Laura Oso, dir. 201-1-2015) and “Gender, Crossed Mobilities and Transnational Dynamics”, Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2015-67164).