923 resultados para French regime
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.
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The Union Territory of Pondicherry prior to its merger with the Indian Union was a French Colony. The erstwhile territory of Pondicherry along with its hamlets, namely, KARAIKKAL, MAHE and YANAM was administered by the French Regime. Before it was established by French in 1 6 74 A.D. it was part of Vijayanagara Empire. Prior to this, Pondicherry was a part of the Kingdom of Chola and Pallava Kings. During French Regime, the laws which were in force in France in relation to administration of civil and criminal justice were extended to the erstwhile Territory of Pondicherry. Thus while Pondicherry stood influenced by the Inquisitorial system since the beginning of the 18th century, the neighboring states forming part of the Indian Union since Independence came under the Influence of the British system, viz. accusatorial system. The territory of Pondicherry, for administrative reasons, came to be merged with the Indian Union in the early 60's. Following the merger, the Indian administration sought to extent its own laws from time to time replacing erstwhile French Laws, however, subject to certain savings. Thus the transitional period witnessed consequential changes in the administration of the territory, including the sphere of judicial system. Since I 963, the Union Territory of Pondicherry was brought under the spell of the Indian Legal System The people in Pondicherry ' thus have had the benefit of experiencing both the svstems. Their experiences will be of much help to those who undertake comparative studies in law. The plus and minus points of the respective systems help one to develop a detachment that helps independent evaluation of the svstents. The result of these studies could be relevant in revitalising our criminal systems.The present system is evaluated in the light of the past system. New dimensions are added by way' of an empirical study also.
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This article explores the relationship between the Crown, the French society and the king's financiers. It starts with a brief review of the discourses on the financiers and a survey of the work done by historians. Further to a description of the various groups of financiers, it analyses the nature of the contracts passed between the king and the traitants to pay for the Nine Years War, as well as the latter’s activities and profits. The article argues that the government supervised effectively the traitants and that, given the constraints of the Old Regime, these financiers provided essential services, but too costly to be sustainable.
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Price, Roger, The French Second Empire: an anatomy of political power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp.x+507 RAE2008
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La fête nationale française, décrétée en 1880, vise à consolider l’adhésion à la Troisième République, régime né dix ans auparavant et toujours en déficit de légitimité. Malgré les efforts du gouvernement pour rejoindre les Français de toutes allégeances, des discordes idéologiques persistent et la fête nationale du 14-Juillet ne parvient pas à faire l'unanimité. Telle est la situation sociale et politique de la France à l’aube de la Grande Guerre. Alors que se multiplient les batailles et les pertes militaires, la conviction d'une guerre courte fait place à la réalité d'une guerre aussi destructrice qu’interminable. Les 14-Juillet de ces années-là démontrent la nécessité d'adapter les célébrations nationales à la réalité de la guerre totale et des besoins qu'elle engendre. Parallèlement, le deuil et la souffrance de la guerre ravivent les oppositions sociales et politiques d'avant-guerre, remettant en question les capacités du gouvernement à faire face à la situation, menaçant tant l'Union Sacrée que la République. L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis, en avril 1917, offre l'occasion à quelques hommes politiques prévoyants de rétablir la cohésion sociale autour des valeurs républicaines. En 1917, puis en 1918, le gouvernement mise sur l'union des fêtes nationales républicaines française et américaine pour ranimer l'espoir, le courage et le patriotisme de tous les Français. Au-delà de l'hommage rendu à un allié que l'on espérait plus, l'union des deux fêtes devient le symbole de la solidarité et de la fraternité qui unit les deux Républiques-sœurs, et réaffirme la force et la légitimité du régime français en place. Le 14-Juillet, emblème du parcours social et politique français, connaît donc, à l’occasion de la Grande Guerre, une mutation, une redéfinition de sens. À l'image de la France, « moderne », le 14-Juillet tel que développé lors du conflit, ne cesse de s'adapter aux besoins et à l'image d'une société en constante évolution.
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This paper combines and generalizes a number of recent time series models of daily exchange rate series by using a SETAR model which also allows the variance equation of a GARCH specification for the error terms to be drawn from more than one regime. An application of the model to the French Franc/Deutschmark exchange rate demonstrates that out-of-sample forecasts for the exchange rate volatility are also improved when the restriction that the data it is drawn from a single regime is removed. This result highlights the importance of considering both types of regime shift (i.e. thresholds in variance as well as in mean) when analysing financial time series.
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During the Syrian conflict the number of European Foreign Fighters has increased exponentially and has become an ever-growing concern for European policymakers. This phenomenon presents host of major security challenges for European policymakers and governments. Among European countries, France provides the highest number of citizens who have gone to Syria to fight against Assad´s regime. The French authorities have estimated that by mid-2014, over 700 French citizens have left France and travelled to Syria to fight. Historically France has had a relationship with Syria which started with its role as a border-drawing colonial power. Grounded in a framework of realism, that emphasizes nation-states as the primary actor within the international system, the analysis concentrates on the role of France´s foreign policy on the Syria as push factor for terrorism and radicalization. This paper attempts to determinate a specific correlation between the policy that France has been conducting towards Syria between 2000 and 2015, and the phenomenon of French Foreign Fighters. Findings suggest that France´s foreign policy towards Syria is the main root cause of the French Foreign Fighters phenomenon.
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The present work seeks essentially to demonstrate how some anthropological structures of the imaginary, theorized by the French thinker Gilbert DURAND, projected themselves in a noticeable manner in the poetic work of the Brazilian poet Orides FONTELA. Chiefly we will demonstrate with great care in what way this projection and vivification occur through an imagination that not only materializes some fundamental archetypes of the human imagination, but also seeks to organize them through original poems in its form of presenting the poetic discourse, giving here a different contribution of the mythical or religious discourse, privileged places, since always, where the symbolic functions also manifest themselves
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The Laurichard active rock glacier is the permafrost-related landform with the longest record of monitoring in France, including an annual geodetic survey, repeated geoelectrical campaigns from 1979 onwards and continuous recording of ground temperature since 2003. These data were used to examine changes in creep rates and internal structure from 1986 to 2006. The control that climatic variables exert on rock glacier kinematics was investigated over three time scales. Between the 1980s and the early 2000s, the main observed changes were a general increase in surface velocity and a decrease in internal resistivity. At a multi-year scale, the high correlation between surface movement and snow thickness in the preceding December appears to confirm the importance of snow cover conditions in early winter through their influence on the ground thermal regime. A comparison of surface velocities, regional climatic datasets and ground sub-surface temperatures over six years suggests a strong relation between rock glacier deformation and ground temperature, as well as a role for liquid water due to melt of thick snow cover. Finally, unusual surface lowering that accompanied peak velocities in 2004 may be due to a general thaw of the top of the permafrost, probably caused both by two successive snowy winters and by high energy inputs during the warm summer of 2003.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo aprofundar o regime jurídico disciplinar do servidor público temporário. Analisam-se as características principais dessa espécie de agente público que o diferenciam dos demais servidores e que justificam um regime disciplinar próprio. Em uma breve investigação sobre as prováveis origens do temporário, constata-se a presença desse servidor na Administração Pública brasileira desde 1823. No direito estrangeiro (particularmente, no direito francês e no direito português), verifica-se a existência de figuras assemelhadas ao servidor público temporário brasileiro, que é uma espécie de servidor público do gênero agente público, exercendo uma função pública, mas não ocupando nem cargo, nem emprego públicos, sendo contratado por tempo determinado para atender a necessidade temporária de excepcional interesse público. A Constituição Federal, em seu artigo 37, IX, indica que a lei estabelecerá os casos de contratação por tempo determinado, mas não há uma uniformidade entre os entes da federação sobre o regime jurídico adotado para o servidor temporário. Esta análise concentra-se na Lei Federal n.º 8.745/93, que disciplina o assunto. No âmbito federal, o servidor público temporário é dotado de um regime jurídico com características mais próximas do regime jurídico administrativo, sendo recrutado por meio de contrato administrativo assemelhado ao regime estatutário. Tal contratação deve pautar-se pela observância dos princípios da continuidade do serviço público, da moralidade, da impessoalidade, da razoabilidade, da proporcionalidade e da motivação. Focaliza-se a responsabilidade do servidor público temporário no âmbito administrativo, procurando-se demonstrar que tal servidor, por um princípio de equiparação, submete-se a um processo administrativo disciplinar para apuração de suas faltas, o qual cumpre prazos especiais e condições específicas em razão do vínculo temporário com a Administração Pública, em tudo sendo respeitado o devido processo legal, a ampla defesa e o contraditório. Analisam-se as diferenças entre o processo disciplinar do servidor temporário (sindicância) e o processo do servidor público em geral, os ritos adotados, os prazos, as penalidades e os recursos, constatando-se que o servidor público temporário responde pelos atos ilícitos em todas as esferas: penal, civil, administrativa e por atos de improbidade. A transitoriedade na função não o exime de responsabilidades, por isso, com as devidas adaptações, está sujeito aos ônus e bônus do serviço público. Daí a necessidade de construir, com base nas características próprias dessa espécie de servidor público, um regime adaptado às especificações do vínculo especial a que se submete o servidor público temporário. Propõe-se aqui um miniprocesso disciplinar ou um processo disciplinar especial, ou uma minissindicância ou uma sindicância especial, sui generis.
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Military collaboration is one of the least acknowledged aspects of France under the Occupation. Yet from summer 1941 France raised a number of fighting units for Hitler’s armies, each with its distinctive mission and each drawing the Vichy regime deeper into collaboration with Nazi Germany. This article discusses that process and its diverse implications. It shows how the Paris collaborationists used military engagement to pressure the Vichy government into more activist collaboration and explores the divergent perspectives in which this was viewed from Berlin, Paris and Vichy; it considers the mobilising myths, motivations and misapprehensions behind military collaboration; and it identifies some of the anomalies of that collaboration, with its reconceptualising of France and Other, friend and foe, belonging and alienation. Those French ‘patriots’ who fought in German uniform would become effective exiles from a homeland they departed to ‘defend’ only to see it ‘liberated’ by their ‘enemies’. Exposing the divisions and the delusions underlying military collaboration, the article sheds light on conflicting political calculations and shifting allegiances in occupied France.
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Following the fall of France in June 1940 and the installation of the Vichy Regime, government set about establishing its own New Order. A reprogramming of national consciousness was attempted through an emphasis on a return to traditional values which was disseminated in various fora. Despite publications on divers aspects of Vichy's propaganda machine, work on film production of the period has merely touched on mainstream documentary without further analysis. Such a lacuna appears inexplicable in light of the production of 550 or so documentaries between 1940 and 1944, especially in view of a 1948 comment by the film writer Roger Régent that documentary in many ways provided a focal point for the regime's wishes for "moralisation collective". This thesis sets out the first steps of a new evaluation of the role of documentary during the Occupation. After an overview of the changes to the industry and the ideological framework of the Révolution nationale, the thesis discusses theories of propaganda together with direct examples of Vichy propaganda documentary. The 'control' thus established is then applied to an examination of the 'Arts, Sciences, Voyages' series of documentary screenings (1941-43) and the Premier congrès du film documentaire (1943), tracing thematic and ideological consonances and evaluating the use of documentary film of the Occupation in the Service of the Marshal.
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Morocco was the last North African country in which a Pasteur institute was created, nearly two decades later than in Tunisia and Algeria. In fact, two institutes were opened, the first in Tangier in 1913 and the second in Casablanca in 1932. This duplication, far from being a measure of success, was the material expression of the troubles Pastorians had experienced in getting a solid foothold in the country since the late 19th century. These problems partly derived from the pre-existence of a modest Spanish-Moroccan bacteriological tradition, developed since the late 1880s within the framework of the Sanitary Council and Hygiene Commission of Tangier, and partly from the uncoordinated nature of the initiatives launched from Paris and Algiers. Although a Pasteur Institute was finally established, with Paul Remlinger as director, the failure of France to impose its colonial rule over the whole country, symbolized by the establishment of an international regime in Tangier, resulted in the creation of a second centre in Casablanca. While elucidating many hitherto unclear facts about the entangled origins of both institutes, the author points to the solidity of the previously independent Moroccan state as a major factor behind the troubled translation of Pastorianism to Morocco. Systematically dismissed or downplayed by colonial and postcolonial historiography, this solidity disrupted the French takeover of the country and therefore Pastorian expectations.
Comparison of Regime Switching, Probit and Logit Models in Dating and Forecasting US Business Cycles